研读新知 · 每日简报研读新知DAILY BRIEFING

加载中
Daily Academic Briefing

研读新知 · 每日简报

NERV TOKYO-3 HQ
OPERATIONAL STATUS: FLUO. GREEN: ONLINE
MAGI SYSTEM DASHBOARD
CENTRAL COMMAND
MELCHIOR GREEN
BALTHASAR GREEN
CASPAR GREEN
Public Administration Review 期刊封面

Public Administration Review

深入基层:公共服务生态系统微观层面下的人类服务供给思考与理论化

Kate Broadhurst, Steven Parker

英文原题

Digging Into the Subsoil: Considering and Theorizing Human Services Delivery at the Sub‐Micro‐Level of the Public Service Ecosystem

公共服务常常与家庭和社区合作提供,然而这些关系在公共服务生态系统(PSE)理论中受到的关注有限。为响应发展 PSE 亚微观层面的呼吁,我们引入“底层敏感性”这一概念,以凸显支撑公共服务价值创造的家庭和社区生态系统。这些非正式系统是价值创造与破坏的活跃场所,其敏感性源于它们与公共服务的契合或错位。我们提出立法和政策节点作为连接器,将宏观政策转化为微观实践。借助…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
公共服务常常与家庭和社区合作提供,然而这些关系在公共服务生态系统(PSE)理论中受到的关注有限。为响应发展 PSE 亚微观层面的呼吁,我们引入“底层敏感性”这一概念,以凸显支撑公共服务价值创造的家庭和社区生态系统。这些非正式系统是价值创造与破坏的活跃场所,其敏感性源于它们与公共服务的契合或错位。我们提出立法和政策节点作为连接器,将宏观政策转化为微观实践。借助儿童保护案例,我们展示了节点如何创造互动条件,而底层动态则在权力不对称和不同信仰体系背景下影响价值是共同创造还是共同破坏。本文扩展了 PSE 的亚微观层面,并为审视公共服务提供中的家庭和社区生态系统提供了一个框架。
查看原文摘要
Public services are often delivered in partnership with families and communities, yet these relationships receive limited attention within public service ecosystem (PSE) theory. Responding to call to develop the sub‐micro‐level of the PSE, we introduce the concept of subsoil sensitivity to foreground the family and community ecosystems that underpin public service value creation. These informal systems are active sites of value creation and destruction with sensitivities arising from their alignment or misalignment with public services. We propose legislative and policy nodes as connectors that translate macrolevel policy into microlevel practice. Drawing on child protection vignettes, we show how nodes create the conditions for interaction, while subsoil dynamics influence whether value is cocreated or codestroyed amid power asymmetries and differing belief systems. The paper extends the sub‐micro‐level of the PSE and offers a framework for examining family and community ecosystems in public service delivery.

对抗性政治虚构、公共行政与民粹主义及威权冲动时代的民主

Michael W. Spicer

英文原题

Dueling Political Fictions and Public Administration and Democracy in an Era of Populism and Authoritarian Impulses

英国内战时期政治话语中所运用的政治虚构,对于当代公共政策与行政管理仍具有现实意义。主流公共行政话语往往采用了这一时期出现的单一且无界的民众主权虚构,致使公共行政在面对当代民粹主义政府的威权冲动时显得力不从心。在应对这些威权冲动时,公共行政话语所需的并非传统上主导我们领域的行政中立伦理,而是一种宪政伦理,这种伦理借鉴了英国内战时期英国平等派以及随后美国宪法奠基…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
英国内战时期政治话语中所运用的政治虚构,对于当代公共政策与行政管理仍具有现实意义。主流公共行政话语往往采用了这一时期出现的单一且无界的民众主权虚构,致使公共行政在面对当代民粹主义政府的威权冲动时显得力不从心。在应对这些威权冲动时,公共行政话语所需的并非传统上主导我们领域的行政中立伦理,而是一种宪政伦理,这种伦理借鉴了英国内战时期英国平等派以及随后美国宪法奠基者所阐述的个人虚构。
查看原文摘要
The political fictions used in political discourse, during the English Civil War period, remain relevant to contemporary public policy and administration. Mainstream public administration discourse has too often employed the fiction of a singular and unbounded popular sovereignty that emerged during this period, leaving public administration ill‐equipped to deal with the authoritarian impulses of contemporary populist governments. What is needed in public administration discourse, in dealing with these authoritarian impulses, is not an ethic of administrative neutrality, such as has traditionally dominated much of our field, but an ethic of constitutionalism that draws on the fiction of the individual that was also articulated during the English Civil War period by the English Levellers and subsequently by the founders of the American Constitution.

公共行政与美国民主的危机

Donald F. Kettl

英文原题

Public Administration and the Crisis of American Democracy

公共管理领域正面临真正的危机。美国民众不信任政府及其管理者。当选官员将职业公务员体系攻击为“深层政府”的代理人,尽管承认这一点或许不易,但公共管理的许多批评者所言确有道理。政府的表现往往未能达到公众期望,从业者常常显得对当选官员不够响应,而研究者似乎也只能为从业者提供模糊的指导。然而,公共管理无疑比以往任何时候都更为重要,它承担着将公共目标转化为有效行动,并…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
公共管理领域正面临真正的危机。美国民众不信任政府及其管理者。当选官员将职业公务员体系攻击为“深层政府”的代理人,尽管承认这一点或许不易,但公共管理的许多批评者所言确有道理。政府的表现往往未能达到公众期望,从业者常常显得对当选官员不够响应,而研究者似乎也只能为从业者提供模糊的指导。然而,公共管理无疑比以往任何时候都更为重要,它承担着将公共目标转化为有效行动,并实现麦迪逊及其同僚在建国之初所期望的民主愿景的使命。该领域亟需新的战略与策略,以解决国家面临的新一代难题。通过携手合作,从业者与研究者可以基于这些难题,共同描绘一条激动人心的前进之路。
查看原文摘要
The field of public administration stands amid genuine crisis. Americans don't trust government or its administrators. Elected officials have attacked the career service as agents of the “deep state” and, though it might be hard to admit, many of public administration's critics have a point. Government's performance too often falls short of what people expect, practitioners too often seem too unresponsive to elected officials, and researchers too often seem to have only fuzzy guidance for practitioners. However, public administration undoubtedly is more important now than ever in translating public goals into effective action, and in bringing to life the democratic aspirations Madison and his colleagues wished for the country at its founding. The field urgently needs new strategies and tactics for solving the new generation of puzzles the country faces. In coming together, practitioners and researchers build on these puzzles to chart an exciting road forward.

机构失忆与中央政府机构中“为何理由”的丧失

Alastair Stark, Hridesh Gajurel, Jack Corbett, Dennis C. Grube, Heather Lovell et al.

英文原题

Institutional Amnesia and the Loss of “The Why Rationale” in Central Government Agencies

本文基于对澳大利亚、新西兰及英国威斯敏斯特体系下 115 位官员的访谈数据,证实了制度性失忆与公务员理解其组织环境能力之间存在腐蚀性关系。提出公务员质疑其周围政策、程序及组织框架为何如此的过程,是这种关系运作的一种媒介。随后分析了这种关系及过程产生的四个问题性效应:(1)公务员遵循但不理解程序,(2)无法解释的组织方面被弃置,(3)新组织特征叠加于旧有之上,…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
本文基于对澳大利亚、新西兰及英国威斯敏斯特体系下 115 位官员的访谈数据,证实了制度性失忆与公务员理解其组织环境能力之间存在腐蚀性关系。提出公务员质疑其周围政策、程序及组织框架为何如此的过程,是这种关系运作的一种媒介。随后分析了这种关系及过程产生的四个问题性效应:(1)公务员遵循但不理解程序,(2)无法解释的组织方面被弃置,(3)新组织特征叠加于旧有之上,造成复杂性,以及(4)公共服务效率低下及随之而来的公务员挫败感。文章最后阐述了这一重要关系对公共管理学者及实践者的启示。
查看原文摘要
Data from 115 interviews conducted with officials in the Westminster systems of Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom is used to substantiate a corrosive relationship between institutional amnesia and the ability of public servants to make sense of their organizational context. A process in which public servants question why the policies, procedures, and organizational frameworks that surround them is proposed as one medium through which this relationship operates. Four problematic effects produced by this relationship and process are subsequently analyzed: (1) public servants following but not understanding procedures, (2) inexplicable organizational aspects getting abandoned, (3) the layering of new organizational features on top of old ones, creating complexity, and (4) public service inefficiencies and associated public servant frustration. The article concludes with the implications of this important relationship for public administration scholars and practitioners.

引导与释放:一项安全与司法组织数字化转型 20 年回顾性案例研究的洞见

Friso Selten, Dorus van Loo, Bram Klievink

英文原题

Steering and Setting Free: Insights From a 20‐Year Retrospective Case Study of a Security and Justice Organization's Digital Transformation

数字技术的进步预计将从根本上改变组织的运作方式和价值创造方式。实证研究表明,公共组织在组织和维持这一数字化转型过程中面临诸多困难。为更深入理解这些挑战,本研究考察了过去 20 年间某公共组织数字化转型背后的组织机制。研究发现,这一转型主要依靠涌现式变革路径得以实现,而具有影响力的计划性变革仅偶有发生。我们识别了两种变革类型背后的组织机制,并分析了它们之间的相…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
数字技术的进步预计将从根本上改变组织的运作方式和价值创造方式。实证研究表明,公共组织在组织和维持这一数字化转型过程中面临诸多困难。为更深入理解这些挑战,本研究考察了过去 20 年间某公共组织数字化转型背后的组织机制。研究发现,这一转型主要依靠涌现式变革路径得以实现,而具有影响力的计划性变革仅偶有发生。我们识别了两种变革类型背后的组织机制,并分析了它们之间的相互依存关系。研究结果表明,有效推动公共组织的数字化转型可能既需要涌现式变革,也需要计划性变革,但在实践中将两者结合颇为复杂。
查看原文摘要
Advances in digital technologies are expected to fundamentally change how organizations operate and create value. Empirical studies show that public organizations face difficulties organizing and sustaining this digital transformation. To better understand these challenges, this study examines the organizational mechanisms underlying digital transformation in a public organization over the past 20 years. Our findings show that this transformation was primarily enabled by an emergent change approach, with influential planned changes occurring only occasionally. We identify the organizational mechanisms underlying both types of change and analyze their interdependence. Our findings suggest that both emergent and planned change approaches may be needed to enable digital transformation in public organizations effectively, but that combining them is complex in practice.
JPART 期刊封面

JPART

迈向公共服务动机理论中的“身份转向”:一项问题化综述与研究议程

Lorenza Micacchi, Adrian Ritz

英文原题

Toward an “Identity Turn” in Public Service Motivation Theory: A Problematizing Review and Research Agenda

自公共服务动机(PSM)概念提出以来,它一直被视作公共机构行为的关键驱动力。尽管其重要性显著,质疑之声亦随之浮现。对此,研究主要聚焦于实证分析与测量方法的精炼,而非概念层面的深化发展。这种概念上的路径依赖已渐成问题,因为日益增多的混合实证结果不断挑战 PSM 理论的核心理论命题。我们认为,一个潜在根源在于塑造该领域的主导假设:即其在动机理论中的定位。为应对此…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
自公共服务动机(PSM)概念提出以来,它一直被视作公共机构行为的关键驱动力。尽管其重要性显著,质疑之声亦随之浮现。对此,研究主要聚焦于实证分析与测量方法的精炼,而非概念层面的深化发展。这种概念上的路径依赖已渐成问题,因为日益增多的混合实证结果不断挑战 PSM 理论的核心理论命题。我们认为,一个潜在根源在于塑造该领域的主导假设:即其在动机理论中的定位。为应对此问题,我们开展了一项跨概念、跨学科的批判性审视,比较了公共行政领域对 PSM 的理解与管理学、心理学、社会学及经济学中相关概念(如动机、利他主义和身份认同)的异同。基于此分析,我们提出一个新颖的理论框架,将 PSM 重新概念化为一种社会身份认同。据此,我们勾勒出一项研究议程,该议程:(i)修订 PSM 的核心概念特征,并基于身份认同理论开发新的测量方法;(ii)引入身份工作理论,以全新视角理解 PSM 的作用机制;(iii)将 PSM 理论置于动机研究中“身份转向”的更广泛讨论中,凸显其对该多学科对话的潜在贡献。
查看原文摘要
Since its inception, Public Service Motivation (PSM) has been recognized as a key driver of behavior in public institutions. Despite its prominence, skepticism has emerged. In response, research has primarily focused on empirical analysis and measurement refinement rather than on conceptual development. This conceptual path dependency has become problematic as mixed empirical results increasingly challenge core theoretical propositions of PSM theory. We argue that one potential cause lies in a dominant assumption shaping the field: its positioning within motivation theory. To address this, we conducted a problematizing review across concepts and disciplines, comparing how PSM is understood in Public Administration with related concepts–such as motivation, altruism, and identity–in Management, Psychology, Sociology, and Economics. Based on this analysis, we propose a novel theoretical framework that reconceptualizes PSM as a social identity. In doing so, we outline a research agenda that (i) revises PSM’s core conceptual features and develops a new measurement approach informed by identity theory; (ii) introduces new ways of understanding PSM's functioning through identity work theory; and (iii) situates PSM theory within the broader debate on the “identity turn” in motivation research, highlighting its potential contribution to this multidisciplinary discourse.

客户财务资源、心理健康与动机对一线工作者负担减轻及优先级排序的影响

Niels Bjørn Grund Petersen, Jonas Krogh Madsen

英文原题

The Effect of Clients’ Financial Resources, Mental Health, and Motivation on Frontline Workers’ Burden Reduction and Prioritizations

街头官僚文献表明,一线工作者对服务对象的决策受到基于其人口统计特征和行为表现的应得性认知的影响。然而,尽管行政负担文献将财务资源和心理健康视为公民体验合规要求时的两个核心因素,我们却对一线工作者是否也会依据服务对象的财务资源和心理健康采取行动知之甚少。我们通过开发和测试预先注册的假设,为这两类文献做出贡献,考察服务对象的财务资源和心理健康信息如何影响一线工作…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
街头官僚文献表明,一线工作者对服务对象的决策受到基于其人口统计特征和行为表现的应得性认知的影响。然而,尽管行政负担文献将财务资源和心理健康视为公民体验合规要求时的两个核心因素,我们却对一线工作者是否也会依据服务对象的财务资源和心理健康采取行动知之甚少。我们通过开发和测试预先注册的假设,为这两类文献做出贡献,考察服务对象的财务资源和心理健康信息如何影响一线工作者的负担减轻和客户优先排序。为此,我们在丹麦 39 个失业机构的 775 名个案工作者中开展了一项大规模情境实验,操纵客户年龄、财务状况、心理健康和动机,同时保持性别恒定(所有客户均为男性)。我们发现强有力的证据表明,个案工作者会减轻心理问题客户的负担并优先处理其事务,且与先前研究一致,对表现出高动机的客户也是如此,同时也有部分证据显示对面临经济困难的客户给予支持。重要的是,心理健康的影响似乎比动机和财务资源更为显著。与我们的预先注册预期相反,心理问题客户在同时表现出低动机而非高动机时获得了最多的支持。这一模式并非表明一线工作者奖励低动机,而更可能反映了个案工作者将低动机解释为潜在病症的症状,从而视为更大需求的信号。我们的研究结果表明,一线自由裁量权可以作为一种再分配机制运作,将支持导向那些发出最大需求信号的客户。
查看原文摘要
The street-level bureaucracy literature shows that frontline workers’ decisions about clients are shaped by perceptions of deservingness based on clients’ demographic characteristics and behavioral conduct. Yet, we know little about whether frontline workers also act on clients’ financial resources and mental health, despite the administrative burden literature identifying these two factors as central to how citizens experience compliance demands. We contribute to both literatures by developing and testing preregistered hypotheses that examine how information about clients’ financial resources and mental health shapes frontline workers’ burden reduction and client prioritization. To do this, we run a large-scale vignette experiment with 775 caseworkers across 39 Danish unemployment agencies, manipulating client age, financial situation, mental health, and motivation but holding gender constant (all clients were male). We find strong evidence that caseworkers reduce burdens and prioritize clients with mental health issues and–consistent with prior work–clients displaying high motivation, alongside some evidence for clients struggling with financial hardship. Importantly, mental health appears more consequential than motivation and financial resources. Contrary to our preregistered expectation, clients with mental health issues received the most support when they also displayed low as opposed to high motivation. Rather than indicating that frontline workers reward low motivation, this pattern most likely reflects that caseworkers interpret low motivation as a symptom of the underlying condition, and thus as a signal of greater need. Our findings show how frontline discretion can operate as a redistributive mechanism that channels support toward clients signaling the greatest need.

每一英里都算数:知识产权服务中作为行政负担的地理距离

Shenghua Lu

英文原题

Every Mile Counts: Geographical Distance as Administrative Burden in Intellectual Property Services

尽管已有研究探讨了行政负担的程序性和信息性来源,本文则考察行政权力的地理配置这一组织设计选择如何将空间负担制度化为企业面临的障碍。我们利用中国商标注册服务中的 decentralization 改革作为自然实验来检验这一理论。该改革通过 2016 年至 2019 年间在全国设立地方受理窗口,缩短了地理距离。改革前,商标申请必须统一提交至北京中央办公室,对全国…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
尽管已有研究探讨了行政负担的程序性和信息性来源,本文则考察行政权力的地理配置这一组织设计选择如何将空间负担制度化为企业面临的障碍。我们利用中国商标注册服务中的 decentralization 改革作为自然实验来检验这一理论。该改革通过 2016 年至 2019 年间在全国设立地方受理窗口,缩短了地理距离。改革前,商标申请必须统一提交至北京中央办公室,对全国企业构成了重大的地理障碍。利用涵盖中国 294 个城市超过 3700 万件商标申请的独特数据集,我们采用交错双重差分法来估计地理距离缩短对商标申请的因果效应。研究发现,设立地方受理窗口使商标申请量增加了约 4.4%,仅 2019 年就新增约 20.9 万件申请。此外,该改革产生了复合性的分配效应:中小企业的反应强于大型企业,且新进入商标体系的企业集中于基础设施较为薄弱的城市。机制分析证实,这一增长主要由距离缩短驱动,而非行政效率提升或腐败减少所致。本研究为行政服务跨空间重新配置的行为后果提供了大规模因果证据,表明即使在行政服务数字化转型的背景下,物理可及性对于服务的公平获取仍至关重要。
查看原文摘要
While existing research has examined procedural and informational sources of administrative burden, this paper examines how organizational design choices about the geographic location of administrative authority institutionalize spatial burdens on firms. We leverage China's decentralization reform in trademark registration services as a natural experiment to test this theory. This reform reduced geographic distance by establishing local acceptance windows across the country from 2016 to 2019. Prior to this reform, trademark applications had to be submitted exclusively at the centralized Beijing office, imposing substantial geographic barriers on firms nationwide. Using a unique dataset covering over 37 million trademark applications from 294 Chinese cities, we employ a staggered difference-in-differences approach to estimate the causal effects of reduced geographic distance on trademark filings. We find that establishing local acceptance windows increased trademark applications by approximately 4.4 percent, or roughly 209,000 additional filings in 2019 alone. Moreover, the reform generated compound distributional outcomes: small and medium-sized enterprises responded more strongly than larger firms, and the new applicants drawn into the trademark system were concentrated in cities with thinner infrastructure. Mechanism analysis confirms that this increase is primarily driven by distance reduction rather than improvements in administrative efficiency or reductions in corruption. The findings provide large-scale causal evidence on the behavioral consequences of redistributing administrative service delivery across space, demonstrating that physical accessibility remains crucial for equitable service uptake even amid the digital transformation of administrative services.

厌倦变化?挪威幼儿园所有权转换后的病假缺勤情况

Håvard Thorsen Rydland, Dag Arne Christensen

英文原题

Sick of change? Sickness absence following ownership conversions in Norwegian kindergartens

混合提供者福利体系的扩张加剧了关于公共、非营利及营利性提供后果的争论。现有研究主要聚焦于效率、服务质量和公民结果,而对所有权转换对员工影响的了解较少。我们基于研究表明,所有权转换可能破坏员工与组织价值观的一致性,并改变激励机制。利用挪威儿童保育服务(2015-2019 年)的全人口行政数据,我们考察了所有权转换是否与员工病假缺勤的变化相关。采用交错双重差分设…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
混合提供者福利体系的扩张加剧了关于公共、非营利及营利性提供后果的争论。现有研究主要聚焦于效率、服务质量和公民结果,而对所有权转换对员工影响的了解较少。我们基于研究表明,所有权转换可能破坏员工与组织价值观的一致性,并改变激励机制。利用挪威儿童保育服务(2015-2019 年)的全人口行政数据,我们考察了所有权转换是否与员工病假缺勤的变化相关。采用交错双重差分设计,我们发现非营利向营利转换后病假缺勤增加。同时,公共向营利过渡与病假缺勤之间几乎没有一致的关系。这些发现表明,员工对所有权变化的反应更多受组织使命和价值观差异的影响,而非公私分野。更广泛地说,本研究强调了组织价值观一致性作为连接所有权安排与员工福祉的潜在机制,并提示非营利与营利之间的界限可能比传统的公私之分对员工更具实质性影响。
查看原文摘要
The expansion of mixed-provider welfare systems has intensified debates about the consequences of public, nonprofit, and for-profit provision. Existing research focuses primarily on efficiency, service quality, and citizens' outcomes, while less is known about ownership conversions’ consequences for employees. We depart from research suggesting that ownership conversions can disrupt employee-organization value congruence as well as change the incentive structures. Leveraging population-wide administrative data from Norwegian childcare services (2015-2019), we examine whether ownership conversions are associated with changes in employee sickness absence. Using a staggered difference-in-differences design, we find that sickness absence increases following nonprofit-to-for-profit conversions. At the same time, public-to-for-profit transitions show little consistent relationship with sickness absence. These findings suggest that employee responses to ownership change are shaped less by the public-private divide than by differences in organizational missions and values. More broadly, the study highlights organizational value congruence as a potential mechanism linking ownership arrangements to employee well-being, and suggests that the nonprofit-for-profit boundary may be more consequential for employees than the conventional public-private divide.

风险管理中风险沟通与问责考量的平衡:重大公共项目投资研究

Sof Thrane, Ulrik Hartmeyer Christiansen, Torben Juul Andersen, Giulio Zichella

英文原题

Balancing risk communication and accountability concerns in risk management: a study of major public project investments

公共组织的高效管理要求对新兴风险作出及时响应,然而,在政治化的问责环境中,向上级传达这些风险可能使运营管理者面临指责。本研究基于对丹麦国防部两个主要采购与维护项目七年间提交的 130 份风险报告的分析,探讨了公共管理者如何应对这一张力。采用溯因定性方法,我们构建了一个包含四个阶段的动态风险管理模型:(1)风险作为运营关切,(2)将风险转化为组织问题,(3)归…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
公共组织的高效管理要求对新兴风险作出及时响应,然而,在政治化的问责环境中,向上级传达这些风险可能使运营管理者面临指责。本研究基于对丹麦国防部两个主要采购与维护项目七年间提交的 130 份风险报告的分析,探讨了公共管理者如何应对这一张力。采用溯因定性方法,我们构建了一个包含四个阶段的动态风险管理模型:(1)风险作为运营关切,(2)将风险转化为组织问题,(3)归责与问责,(4)启动缓解与应对措施。研究发现,风险沟通与问责沟通是相互依赖的过程,而非独立的序列过程。运营管理者在试图提升对新兴风险认知的同时,也在规避潜在指责并迎合上级对公众审视的关切。这种张力产生了仅在绝对必要时才报告的压力,而高层管理者往往推迟行动以避免政治曝光。这些做法导致了延误、项目未达规格以及显著的预算超支。本研究推进了公共部门风险管理的动态理论,并解释了层级沟通实践如何影响新兴风险是否、何时以及如何得到应对。
查看原文摘要
Effective administration of public organizations requires timely responses to emerging risks, yet communicating those risks up the hierarchy can expose operational managers to blame in politicized accountability environments. This study examines how public managers navigated that tension in an analysis of 130 risk reports filed over a seven-year period associated with two major procurement and maintenance projects in the Danish Defence. Using an abductive qualitative approach, we develop a dynamic model of risk management with four phases: (1) risk as an operational concern, (2) turning risk into an organizational problem, (3) assigning blame and accountability, and (4) initiating mitigation and response. We find that risk and accountability communication are interdependent processes rather than independent sequential processes. Operational managers attempt to raise awareness of emerging risks while simultaneously deflecting potential blame and catering to higher-level concerns about public scrutiny. This tension generates pressure to only report when it is absolutely necessary, while higher-level managers often postpone action to avoid political exposure. These practices contribute to delays, projects not meeting specifications, and significant budget overruns. The study advances a dynamic theory of public sector risk management and explains how hierarchical communication practices influence whether, when, and how emerging risks are addressed.
Governance 期刊封面

Governance

效仿领导者?解释加拿大联邦体制中的危机政策变革

Liddell Hastings

英文原题

Emulate the Leader? Explaining Crisis Policy Change in the Canadian Federal System

在危机时期,政府是会协调行动,还是各自独立决策而不顾他国所为?疫情初期,联邦制国家中新冠政策的趋同现象已被广泛研究。然而,关于何种机制使得各辖区间政策如此相似的研究却相对有限。借助加拿大分散化的联邦体系,本文提出,这种趋同可以通过政策扩散过程中的模仿机制及一系列领导者-追随者关系来解释。基于政策扩散文献,本文提出三个假设,解释为何某些辖区在危机政策中扮演领导…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
在危机时期,政府是会协调行动,还是各自独立决策而不顾他国所为?疫情初期,联邦制国家中新冠政策的趋同现象已被广泛研究。然而,关于何种机制使得各辖区间政策如此相似的研究却相对有限。借助加拿大分散化的联邦体系,本文提出,这种趋同可以通过政策扩散过程中的模仿机制及一系列领导者-追随者关系来解释。基于政策扩散文献,本文提出三个假设,解释为何某些辖区在危机政策中扮演领导角色,而其他辖区则选择跟随。这些假设被综合为邻近性、能力与紧迫性,并通过一系列成对向量自回归模型进行检验,以识别加拿大各省间显著的领导者-追随者关系。研究结果表明,政策主要源自少数大省(魁北克与安大略),这为所提假设提供了部分证据,但也存在例外情况。
查看原文摘要
In times of crises, do governments coordinate or do they make their own choices independent of what others do? Convergence of COVID‐19 policy at the beginning of the pandemic has been widely studied in federal countries. Yet, there is limited literature looking at the mechanisms that made policy between jurisdictions so similar. Utilizing Canada's decentralized federal system, this paper posits that convergence can be explained by a process of policy diffusion through emulation and a series of leader‐follower relationships. Drawing on the policy diffusion literature, this paper proposes three hypotheses for why some jurisdictions take on leadership roles in crisis policy while others follow. Synthesized as proximity, capacity, and urgency, these hypotheses are tested using a series of pairwise vector autoregressions identifying significant leader‐follower relationships between Canadian provinces. The findings suggest that policy primarily flowed from only a small number of large provinces (Quebec and Ontario), lending partial evidence, but also exceptions to the hypotheses proposed.

永生悖论:一党主导、政治任期与日本行政机构的组织延续性

Ayako Nakamura

英文原题

The Immortality Paradox: One‐Party Dominance, Political Tenure, and Organizational Continuity in Japanese Agencies

在 1976 年关于组织生存的经典研究中,Kaufman 提出公共组织是“不朽的”。然而,近期的研究得出了相反的结论,发现公共组织频繁被终止。这些发现主要与执政党定期更迭的背景相关。相比之下,本研究考察了日本政府机构的生存情况,该国战后政治体系以一党独大和短暂的政治领导为特征。研究结果表明,日本机构在很大程度上仍保持“不朽”,即便发生转型,也往往与任期较长的…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
在 1976 年关于组织生存的经典研究中,Kaufman 提出公共组织是“不朽的”。然而,近期的研究得出了相反的结论,发现公共组织频繁被终止。这些发现主要与执政党定期更迭的背景相关。相比之下,本研究考察了日本政府机构的生存情况,该国战后政治体系以一党独大和短暂的政治领导为特征。研究结果表明,日本机构在很大程度上仍保持“不朽”,即便发生转型,也往往与任期较长的首相有关,他们能够实施次要的、表面性的变革;因此,即使经历此类事件,机构通常依然存续。本研究因此为政治-行政关系如何塑造机构转型模式提供了新的视角,并强调了领导任期在维持组织变革承诺中的重要性。
查看原文摘要
In his classic 1976 study on organizational survival, Kaufman argued that public organizations are “immortal”. More recent research, however, has come to the opposite conclusion, finding that public organizations are frequently terminated. These findings largely relate to contexts where changes to the ruling party occur regularly. In contrast, this study examines the survival of government agencies in Japan, where the postwar political system has been characterized by one‐party dominance and short‐lived political leadership. The findings suggest that Japanese agencies remain largely “immortal,” and that when they do undergo transitions this tends to be linked to prime ministers with longer tenures who are able to implement minor, cosmetic changes; hence agencies typically persist even after such events. This study thus sheds new light on how political–administrative relations shape patterns of agency transition and highlights the importance of leadership tenure in sustaining commitments to organizational change.

民粹主义执政下的监管机构变迁:来自意大利的洞见(1990-2025)

Fabrizio Di Mascio, Giulio Francisci, Martino Maggetti, Alessandro Natalini

英文原题

Regulatory Agencies Under Mutating Populism in Office: Insights From Italy (1990–2025)

我们的论文在民粹主义治理下的公共行政这一新兴研究领域与关于独立监管机构(IRAs)授权的既有文献之间架起了一座桥梁。我们聚焦于意大利,这是西欧的一个关键案例,在 2001 年至 2025 年间,该国经历了六届由不同意识形态取向的民粹主义政党主导或强烈影响的联合政府。研究结果表明,一旦制度化,向 IRAs 的授权即使在持续的政治争议下也表现出显著的韧性。尽管自…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
我们的论文在民粹主义治理下的公共行政这一新兴研究领域与关于独立监管机构(IRAs)授权的既有文献之间架起了一座桥梁。我们聚焦于意大利,这是西欧的一个关键案例,在 2001 年至 2025 年间,该国经历了六届由不同意识形态取向的民粹主义政党主导或强烈影响的联合政府。研究结果表明,一旦制度化,向 IRAs 的授权即使在持续的政治争议下也表现出显著的韧性。尽管自 21 世纪初以来民粹主义政党屡次参与执政,意大利的 IRAs 并未遭受系统性的去授权或法定缩减。然而,正式独立性的保留并不意味着缺乏政治控制的手段。我们的分析显示,民粹主义政府系统性地依赖政治任命。有趣的是,这些政治任命并非由党派忠诚或公开的政治化所驱动。相反,民粹主义政党的干预沿着授权理论中较少受到关注的政治控制维度运作:被任命者的专业化程度。民粹主义政府倾向于任命领域专业化水平较低的 IRAs 董事会成员,偏好通才型人物而非专家型人才。
查看原文摘要
Our paper builds a bridge between the emerging strand of research on public administration under populist rule and the established literature on delegation to independent regulatory authorities (IRAs). We focus on Italy, a critical case in Western Europe, which between 2001 and 2025 experienced six coalition governments dominated or strongly influenced by populist parties of different ideological orientations. Findings highlight that delegation to IRAs is remarkably resilient once institutionalized, even under sustained political contestation. Despite repeated populist participation in government since the early 2000s, Italian IRAs have not been subject to systematic de‐delegation or statutory retrenchment. However, the preservation of formal independence has not implied the absence of means for political control. Our analysis shows that populist governments have systematically relied on political appointments. Interestingly, political appointments have not been driven by partisan loyalty or overt politicization. Instead, the intervention of populist parties has operated along a different dimension of political control that has received less attention in delegation theory: the specialization of appointees. Populist governments have displayed a preference for appointing IRAs' board members with lower levels of domain‐specific specialization, privileging generalist profiles over specialists.

中国实验治理中的死胡同与政策变迁

Vincent Brussee

英文原题

Dead Ends and Policy Change in Chinese Experimental Governance

并非所有政策变迁都是扩张性的,然而非扩张性轨迹仍未得到充分研究。本文引入了“死胡同”这一概念:即政策过程中,倡议在现有形式下停止发展或实施,从而构建后续政策变迁(如回退、转向或终止)的阶段。为考察此类轨迹,本文结合了对 2013 年至 2018 年间中华人民共和国宣布的 27,103 项政策实验的大规模分析与定性案例研究。研究发现,绝大多数实验——高达 90…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
并非所有政策变迁都是扩张性的,然而非扩张性轨迹仍未得到充分研究。本文引入了“死胡同”这一概念:即政策过程中,倡议在现有形式下停止发展或实施,从而构建后续政策变迁(如回退、转向或终止)的阶段。为考察此类轨迹,本文结合了对 2013 年至 2018 年间中华人民共和国宣布的 27,103 项政策实验的大规模分析与定性案例研究。研究发现,绝大多数实验——高达 90%——最终陷入死胡同。这些死胡同与领导层更迭、政策复杂性以及与官僚激励机制和社会经济条件的不匹配相关联。总体而言,本文为理解政策变迁的替代方向提供了新框架。同时,也对中国治理体系的适应能力与结构性约束提供了新的洞见。
查看原文摘要
Not all policy change is expansive, yet non‐expansive trajectories remain underexamined. This article introduces the concept of dead ends: a stage of the policy process in which initiatives cease to develop or be implemented in their existing form, structuring subsequent policy change such as rollback, redirection, or termination. To examine such trajectories, the article combines large‐scale analysis of 27,103 policy experiments announced in the People's Republic of China between 2013 and 2018 with qualitative case studies. The findings suggest that a substantial majority—up to 90%—of experiments reach dead ends. These dead ends are associated with leadership turnover, policy complexity, and misalignment with bureaucratic incentives and socio‐economic conditions. Altogether, the article provides new frameworks for understanding alternative directions of policy change. In doing so, it also sheds new light on the adaptive capacity and structural constraints of China's governance system.

为何某些关键节点未产生实质影响:探究动态与静态政策路径

Katrine Skagen

英文原题

Why Some Critical Junctures Lead Nowhere: Exploring Dynamic and Static Policy Paths

一些关键节点未能引发实践中的重大变革。受历史制度主义启发,本文提出了动态与静态政策路径的概念,以解释为何某些关键节点未导致变革,而其他则促成了变革。结合政策过程文献与政策实施的研究视角,本文通过四个要素来概念化关键节点:框架、目标、工具及行动者/制度。基于两个案例研究,文章指出框架与目标的重要性被过度夸大,除非工具和行动者/制度也发生显著变化,否则动态路径不…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
一些关键节点未能引发实践中的重大变革。受历史制度主义启发,本文提出了动态与静态政策路径的概念,以解释为何某些关键节点未导致变革,而其他则促成了变革。结合政策过程文献与政策实施的研究视角,本文通过四个要素来概念化关键节点:框架、目标、工具及行动者/制度。基于两个案例研究,文章指出框架与目标的重要性被过度夸大,除非工具和行动者/制度也发生显著变化,否则动态路径不会出现。在丹麦,一项气候政策协议为农业开辟了新的政策方向,使气候政策成为其关键组成部分。而在挪威,气候政策协议未能改变部门政策的轨迹,气候政策发展仍停滞不前。因此,关键节点的差异导致了不同的政策路径。
查看原文摘要
Some critical junctures fail to cause significant change in practice. Inspired by historical institutionalism, this article develops the concept of dynamic and static policy paths to explain why some critical junctures do not lead to change, while others do. Combining insights from policy process literature and policy implementation, it conceptualizes critical junctures through four elements: framing, targets, instruments, and actors/institutions. Based on two case studies, the article argues that the importance of framing and targets has been overexaggerated, and that a dynamic path will not occur unless there is also a significant change in instruments and actors/institutions. In Denmark, a climate policy agreement created a new policy direction for agriculture in which climate policy is a key component. In Norway, a climate policy agreement did not change the trajectory of sectoral policy and climate policy development has remained stagnant. Thus, differences in the critical junctures led to different policy paths.
Public Management Review 期刊封面

Public Management Review

Policy Studies Journal 期刊封面

Policy Studies Journal

证据使用中的波动性:间断均衡理论的计算机分析

Stefani Langehennig

英文原题

Volatility in Evidence Use: A Computational Analysis of Punctuated Equilibrium Theory

政策文件中证据的使用如何随时间变化,以及如何解释其使用中稳定、渐进与突变之间的差异?本研究引入了一个计算框架,用以评估美国国会研究服务处(CRS)报告中证据使用的变化。通过结合大语言模型与监督式机器学习,每份文件依据其与循证决策原则的契合度进行评分,并在政策主题层面进行汇总。结果显示,大多数政策领域呈现渐进式变化,而突变式转变则较为少见且高度多变。公众关注度…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
政策文件中证据的使用如何随时间变化,以及如何解释其使用中稳定、渐进与突变之间的差异?本研究引入了一个计算框架,用以评估美国国会研究服务处(CRS)报告中证据使用的变化。通过结合大语言模型与监督式机器学习,每份文件依据其与循证决策原则的契合度进行评分,并在政策主题层面进行汇总。结果显示,大多数政策领域呈现渐进式变化,而突变式转变则较为少见且高度多变。公众关注度与证据使用的突变轨迹相关,而媒体和行政部门的关注主要与渐进式变化相关;在考虑关注度和制度需求后,党派控制的作用有限。各政策主题之间仍存在显著差异,其中宏观经济学和政府运作等领域在证据使用评分上表现出相对较高的离散度。这些发现表明,政策制定中的证据使用是动态的,且随时间推移对关注度敏感。
查看原文摘要
How does the use of evidence in policy documents change over time, and what explains differences between stable, incremental, and abrupt shifts in its use? This study introduces a computational framework to evaluate change in evidence use across Congressional Research Service (CRS) reports. Using a combination of large language models and supervised machine learning, each document is scored on its alignment with evidence‐based policymaking principles and aggregated to the policy‐topic level. The results show that most policy areas exhibit gradual change, while punctuated shifts are less common and highly variable. Public salience is associated with punctuated evidence‐use trajectories, while media and executive attention are associated primarily with gradual change; partisan control plays a limited role once attention and institutional demand are taken into account. Substantial variation remains across policy topics, with areas such as Macroeconomics and Government Operations exhibiting relatively high dispersion in evidence‐use scores. These findings demonstrate that evidence use in policymaking is dynamic and attention‐sensitive over time.

当更多即是更多:委员会重叠与问题界定中的信息多样性

Connor Dye

英文原题

When More Is More: Committee Overlap and the Diversity of Information in Problem Definition

国会依赖分散的官僚体系来监控复杂问题,这引发了对它能否整合有效决策所需多样化信息的担忧。我认为,与机构有不同制度联系的委员会之间的竞争,无需任何协调机构即可产生信息多样性。通过分析 1973 年至 2021 年间 131 个机构的 92,375 次机构证词实例,我发现,审查某一问题的委员会数量越多,提供信息的机构范围就越广泛且集中度越低。几乎没有证据表明这种…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
国会依赖分散的官僚体系来监控复杂问题,这引发了对它能否整合有效决策所需多样化信息的担忧。我认为,与机构有不同制度联系的委员会之间的竞争,无需任何协调机构即可产生信息多样性。通过分析 1973 年至 2021 年间 131 个机构的 92,375 次机构证词实例,我发现,审查某一问题的委员会数量越多,提供信息的机构范围就越广泛且集中度越低。几乎没有证据表明这种关联会受到公众关注度的系统性调节。
查看原文摘要
Congress relies on a fragmented bureaucracy to monitor complex problems, raising concerns over whether it can aggregate the diverse information needed for effective policy‐making. I argue that competition among committees with different institutional ties to agencies should produce informational diversity without any coordinating body. Analyzing 92,375 instances of agency testimony across 131 agencies from 1973 to 2021, I find that a greater number of committees examining a problem is consistently associated with a broader and less concentrated set of agencies supplying information. I find little evidence that this association is systematically moderated by public salience.

议程设置中的游说优先事项:经济团体与公民团体在议程广度、方向及回应性上的差异

Frederik Stevens, Darren Halpin

英文原题

Lobbying Priorities in Agenda‐Setting: Agenda Breadth, Direction, and Responsiveness Across Economic and Citizen Groups

利益集团是塑造政治议程的关键行动者。然而,我们对它们在政策过程的最初阶段如何确定游说优先事项知之甚少。本研究提出了一种新颖的概念框架,用于在议程设定阶段研究利益集团的问题优先排序,该框架涵盖三个互补维度:议程广度、议程方向和议程响应性。基于对 630 个欧盟层面利益集团的原始调查数据,我们的结果表明,问题优先排序主要由集团所代表的成员类型驱动。经济利益集团倾…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
利益集团是塑造政治议程的关键行动者。然而,我们对它们在政策过程的最初阶段如何确定游说优先事项知之甚少。本研究提出了一种新颖的概念框架,用于在议程设定阶段研究利益集团的问题优先排序,该框架涵盖三个互补维度:议程广度、议程方向和议程响应性。基于对 630 个欧盟层面利益集团的原始调查数据,我们的结果表明,问题优先排序主要由集团所代表的成员类型驱动。经济利益集团倾向于追求更广泛的游说议程,专注于维护政策现状,并在优先处理不受欢迎的问题时更响应内部成员压力。相比之下,公民团体通常采取更狭窄的议程,优先挑战现状,并在确定游说优先事项时更强烈地响应外部问题显著性。总体而言,本研究增进了我们对利益集团如何在政治注意力竞争中导航的理解,并为当代民主国家中关于议程设定的更广泛辩论做出了贡献。
查看原文摘要
Interest groups are key actors in shaping political agendas. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how they determine their lobbying priorities at the earliest stage of the policy process. This study advances a novel conceptual framework for studying interest groups' issue prioritization in the agenda setting stage along three complementary dimensions: agenda breadth, agenda direction, and agenda responsiveness. Drawing on original survey data from 630 EU level interest groups, our results show that issue prioritization is driven primarily by the type of constituents a group represents. Economic interest groups tend to pursue broader lobbying agendas, focus on defending the policy status quo, and are more responsive to internal member pressures when prioritizing undesired issues. Citizen groups, by contrast, typically adopt narrower agendas, prioritize challenging the status quo, and respond more strongly to external issue salience when determining their lobbying priorities. Overall, the study advances our understanding of how interest groups navigate competition for political attention and contributes to broader debates on agenda‐setting in contemporary democracies.

人口老龄化与公民对自动化和移民的偏好:对高度老龄化经济体的警示?

Sijeong Lim, Seiki Tanaka

英文原题

Population Aging and Citizen Preferences for Automation and Immigration: A Cautionary Tale for Advanced Aging Economies?

大量研究凸显了公众对移民和机器人的担忧,但很少有研究探讨人口结构挑战,特别是人口老龄化,如何影响这些看法。公众在评估移民或自动化政策时,可能不会自然而然地考虑到人口老龄化,因为这些议题往往被孤立讨论。因此,我们假设,若引导公众考虑人口老龄化,他们将更倾向于支持自动化和移民。通过在日本、韩国和法国三个国家进行的预注册调查实验,我们探究了提供关于人口老龄化的客观…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
大量研究凸显了公众对移民和机器人的担忧,但很少有研究探讨人口结构挑战,特别是人口老龄化,如何影响这些看法。公众在评估移民或自动化政策时,可能不会自然而然地考虑到人口老龄化,因为这些议题往往被孤立讨论。因此,我们假设,若引导公众考虑人口老龄化,他们将更倾向于支持自动化和移民。通过在日本、韩国和法国三个国家进行的预注册调查实验,我们探究了提供关于人口老龄化的客观信息是否会改变对移民和自动化的态度。研究发现,在日本——全球老龄化最严重的国家,此类信息促使人们对移民和自动化都产生更积极的态度。在韩国——老龄化速度最快的国家,此类信息仅改善了人们对移民的态度。而在法国,其老年人口比例处于欧盟平均水平,我们未发现显著影响。然而,我们发现,在日本和韩国,当受访者将自动化和移民政策与其他选项(如调整退休年龄)一并考虑时,这些积极效应并未持续。这些发现表明,公众对人口老龄化回应的政策偏好受制于国家特定情境,以及政策讨论中被激活的不同议题关联。
查看原文摘要
Extensive research highlights public apprehension toward immigrants and robots, but few studies examine how demographic challenges, particularly population aging, influence these perceptions. The public may not naturally consider population aging when evaluating immigration or automation policies, as these issues are often discussed in silos. We thus hypothesize that priming the public to consider population aging will lead them to view automation and immigration more favorably. Using pre‐registered survey experiments in three countries—Japan, South Korea, and France—we investigate whether providing factual information about population aging alters attitudes toward immigration and automation. We find that in Japan, the world's most aged country, such information generates more favorable attitudes toward both immigration and automation. In Korea, the fastest‐aging country, it improves only immigration attitudes. In France, where the elderly population is average for the EU, we find no significant effect. We find, however, that these positive effects in Japan and Korea do not persist when respondents consider automation and immigration policies alongside other options like adjusting the retirement age. These findings suggest that the public's policy preferences in response to population aging are subject to country‐specific contexts, as well as to different issue linkages activated in policy discussions.

联盟协议中的政策议程:政策继承的持久影响

Gerard Breeman, Amnon Cavari, Jens Jungblut, Ilana Shpaizman, Arco Timmermans et al.

英文原题

Policy Agendas in Coalition Agreements: The Enduring Influence of Policy Inheritance

新政府常常从前任那里继承问题,因此,各种政策问题往往会在议程上保留多年。以往研究政策继承作用时,主要聚焦于政府任期内的议程。这些研究发现,由于政府必须首先应对继承下来的问题,新议题在议程上出现的空间大大减少。本研究旨在通过联合协议的视角来探讨政策继承的概念。联合协议是多党政府的一个特征,在选举后不久起草,反映了政治斗争的结果。因此,可以预期联合协议主要包含各…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
新政府常常从前任那里继承问题,因此,各种政策问题往往会在议程上保留多年。以往研究政策继承作用时,主要聚焦于政府任期内的议程。这些研究发现,由于政府必须首先应对继承下来的问题,新议题在议程上出现的空间大大减少。本研究旨在通过联合协议的视角来探讨政策继承的概念。联合协议是多党政府的一个特征,在选举后不久起草,反映了政治斗争的结果。因此,可以预期联合协议主要包含各党认为重要的议题。这意味着,联合协议议题议程的变化应是选举周期产生的政治变化的函数,而非继承的结果。通过分析以色列、荷兰和挪威三个国家 42 次选举中的联合协议,我们未发现支持这一假设的证据。联合协议中的议程并不随联盟政党构成的变化、政党间意识形态距离的变化或首相职位所属政党的变化而变动。这表明,即使在新联合政府准备就职之际,继承仍是议程设置的主要驱动力。
查看原文摘要
New governments frequently inherit issues from their predecessors, and as a result, various policy problems tend to remain on the agenda for many years. Previous research examining the role of policy inheritance has focused mainly on the agenda during a government's term in office. These studies find that because governments must first contend with the problems they inherit, there is considerably less room for new issues to emerge on the agenda. This study seeks to examine the idea of policy inheritance through the lens of coalition agreements. Coalition agreements, a feature of multiparty governments, are drafted shortly after elections and reflect the outcome of the political struggle. For this reason, one can expect that coalition agreements contain mostly issues that parties regard as important. By implication, changes in the coalition agreements' issue agenda would be a function of the political change produced by the electoral cycle, rather than of inheritance. Analyzing coalition agreements in three countries—Israel, the Netherlands, and Norway—across 42 elections, we find no evidence for this assumption. Agendas in coalition agreements do not vary with changes in the party composition of the coalition, changes in the ideological distance between parties, or changes in the party holding the office of Prime Minister. This indicates that even when new coalition governments are preparing for their term in office, inheritance remains the primary driver of agenda‐setting.
Am. Review of Public Admin 期刊封面

Am. Review of Public Admin

作为行政实践的公众参与:来自联邦权利社区的实证证据

Anne R. Williamson

英文原题

Public Participation as Administrative Practice: Evidence from Federal Entitlement Communities

公众参与被广泛认为是民主治理的重要组成部分,然而实证研究往往通过所采用的方法而非参与在行政过程中组织的制度结构来评估参与。基于对 289 个接受联邦整笔拨款的地方辖区的分析,本研究将参与视为一种结构化的行政实践,而非仅仅是参与方法的集合。通过对综合计划的归纳分析,研究构建了四种参与结构的类型学:最低限度合规、结构化咨询、制度化咨询和嵌入式参与。分析识别了参与…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
公众参与被广泛认为是民主治理的重要组成部分,然而实证研究往往通过所采用的方法而非参与在行政过程中组织的制度结构来评估参与。基于对 289 个接受联邦整笔拨款的地方辖区的分析,本研究将参与视为一种结构化的行政实践,而非仅仅是参与方法的集合。通过对综合计划的归纳分析,研究构建了四种参与结构的类型学:最低限度合规、结构化咨询、制度化咨询和嵌入式参与。分析识别了参与在制度上如何组织并融入规划及行政决策过程中的重复模式。尽管辖区经常采用超出法定公开听证会的多种参与方法,但参与最常通过咨询性安排而非嵌入式参与形式来构建。参与结构与人口类别、地区或行政能力的关联仅属中等程度,这表明差异反映了行政在设计及实施参与过程中的选择。通过将关注点从参与方法转向参与结构,本研究为理解地方政府在实践中如何组织公众参与提供了一个框架。更广泛而言,研究结果表明,参与不仅受到政府采用的参与方法的影响,还受到组织参与的制度安排的塑造,突显了参与作为一种由组织设计和裁量权所塑造的行政实践。
查看原文摘要
Public participation is widely recognized as an important component of democratic governance, yet empirical studies often evaluate participation by the methods employed rather than the institutional structures through which participation is organized within administrative processes. Drawing on an analysis of 289 local jurisdictions receiving federal block grants, this study examines participation as structured administrative practice rather than simply a collection of engagement methods. Using inductive analysis of Consolidated Plans, the study develops a typology of four participation structures: Minimal Compliance, Structured Consultation, Institutionalized Consultation, and Embedded Participation. The analysis identifies recurring patterns in how participation is institutionally organized and incorporated into planning and administrative decision-making processes. While jurisdictions frequently employ multiple participation methods beyond required public hearings, participation is most commonly structured through consultative arrangements rather than embedded forms of engagement. Participation structures are only modestly associated with population category, region, or administrative capacity, suggesting that variation reflects administrative choices in the design and implementation of participation processes. By shifting attention from participation methods to participation structures, the study provides a framework for understanding how local governments organize public participation in practice. More broadly, the findings suggest that participation is shaped not only by the engagement methods governments employ but also by the institutional arrangements through which participation is organized, highlighting participation as an administrative practice shaped by organizational design and discretion.

“我们不再被允许做人”:美国警察在 COVID-19 疫情与国内动荡叠加危机中的执法经历

Jess Bonnan-White, Michael Landon-Murray, Anna E. Kosloski, Matthew M. Lunn

英文原题

'We are no longer Allowed to be Human': Officers’ Experiences Policing the Compounding Crises of the COVID-19 Pandemic and Civil Unrest in the United States

地方警察是最为突出的前线公务人员之一,每日与民众、社区及其他机构和利益相关方互动。从最字面的意义上讲,他们是街头层面的官僚。这些互动在 2020 年夏天受到了巨大考验。警察管理——或在某些情况下拒绝管理——全球大流行的执法命令,同时还要在乔治·弗洛伊德谋杀案发生后维持治安。本文探讨了三个地方辖区的警官如何应对这双重且叠加的危机——我们完全可以预期未来还会有更…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
地方警察是最为突出的前线公务人员之一,每日与民众、社区及其他机构和利益相关方互动。从最字面的意义上讲,他们是街头层面的官僚。这些互动在 2020 年夏天受到了巨大考验。警察管理——或在某些情况下拒绝管理——全球大流行的执法命令,同时还要在乔治·弗洛伊德谋杀案发生后维持治安。本文探讨了三个地方辖区的警官如何应对这双重且叠加的危机——我们完全可以预期未来还会有更多此类危机——以及这对警察互动、自由裁量权(包括消极执法)和工作满意度的影响。文章最后讨论了警察领导、地方官员和社区倡导者如何在危机时期更好地支持执法专业人员。
查看原文摘要
Local police officers are among the most prominent frontline public servants, interacting daily with people, communities, and other agencies and stakeholders. They are, in the most literal sense, street-level bureaucrats. These interactions were greatly tested in the summer of 2020. Police managed – or in some cases refused to manage – enforcement orders for a global pandemic while at the same time policing in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd. This article explores how officers in three local jurisdictions navigated these dual, compounding crises – which we can certainly expect many more of in the future – and the implications for police interactions, discretion (including de-policing) and job satisfaction. The article concludes with a discussion of how police leaders, local officials and community advocates can better support law enforcement professionals during times of crises.

公民政治意识形态是否影响官僚回应性?来自审计实验的证据

Jared Olsen, Mary Feeney

英文原题

Does Citizen Political Ideology Shape Bureaucratic Responsiveness? Evidence From an Audit Experiment

政府工作人员在提供公共服务决策时常常采取捷径。当这些捷径受到刻板印象或偏见的影响时,公民可能会受到不平等的对待。本研究探讨美国住房管理局和公园部门的官僚是否基于公民的政治意识形态进行歧视。通过一项预注册的 2×3 电子邮件审计实验(n=974),我们测试了当公民表达保守观点、自由观点或无政治观点时,回应性是否有所不同。结果显示,街头官僚更倾向于回应表达保守观…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
政府工作人员在提供公共服务决策时常常采取捷径。当这些捷径受到刻板印象或偏见的影响时,公民可能会受到不平等的对待。本研究探讨美国住房管理局和公园部门的官僚是否基于公民的政治意识形态进行歧视。通过一项预注册的 2×3 电子邮件审计实验(n=974),我们测试了当公民表达保守观点、自由观点或无政治观点时,回应性是否有所不同。结果显示,街头官僚更倾向于回应表达保守观点的公民,而非未表明政治观点的公民。对于表达自由观点的公民与未表明政治观点的公民,回应性没有差异。然而,在提供回复的情况下,表达自由观点的公民会收到更有帮助的回复。交互模型表明,对表达自由观点的公民的回应性在公共住房管理局和公园部门之间存在差异。这些发现表明,政治意识形态可能以影响公共服务公平性的方式塑造官僚回应性。
查看原文摘要
Government workers often take shortcuts when making decisions about delivering public services. When these shortcuts are influenced by stereotypes or bias, citizens may receive unequal treatment. This research examines whether bureaucrats in U.S. housing authorities and parks departments discriminate based on citizen political ideology. Using a pre-registered 2 × 3 email audit experiment ( n = 974), we test whether responsiveness varies when citizens signal conservative views, liberal views, or no political views. The results show that street-level bureaucrats are more likely to respond to citizens signaling conservative views than to citizens with no stated political views. Responsiveness does not differ between citizens signaling liberal views and citizens with no stated political views. However, when a reply is provided, citizens signaling liberal views receive more helpful responses. Interaction models suggest that responsiveness to citizens signaling liberal views differs across public housing authorities and parks departments. These findings suggest that political ideology may shape bureaucratic responsiveness in ways that have implications for fairness in public service delivery.

私人慈善中的代表性官僚制:检验社区基金会资助中的自由裁量权与种族代表性

Yue Ming

英文原题

Representative Bureaucracy in Private Philanthropy: Testing Discretion and Racial Representation in Community Foundation Grantmaking

随着公共服务供给日益涉及非政府行为体,公共管理理论需要审视其核心框架如何在传统官僚体系之外运作。本研究将代表性官僚理论拓展至私人慈善领域——这一在地方公共服务供给中日益关键的行为体,通过检验领导层中的种族代表性是否与公平的拨款结果相对应。基于 2012 年至 2016 年间美国 912 家社区基金会的纵向数据分析,本研究发现,当基金会领导层保有充分裁量权时,…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
随着公共服务供给日益涉及非政府行为体,公共管理理论需要审视其核心框架如何在传统官僚体系之外运作。本研究将代表性官僚理论拓展至私人慈善领域——这一在地方公共服务供给中日益关键的行为体,通过检验领导层中的种族代表性是否与公平的拨款结果相对应。基于 2012 年至 2016 年间美国 912 家社区基金会的纵向数据分析,本研究发现,当基金会领导层保有充分裁量权时,领导层中的种族代表性与向服务有色人种社区的组织增加拨款相关;然而,随着捐赠者控制力增强,尤其是通过捐赠者建议基金,这种关系会减弱。这些模式与代表性官僚理论强调裁量权作为连接被动代表与主动代表的关键机制相一致。这些发现通过阐明私人慈善领域中代表性与裁量权之间的相互作用,推进了理论理解,同时随着公共服务日益涉及非政府行为体,对资源公平分配具有启示意义。
查看原文摘要
As public service delivery increasingly involves non-governmental actors, public administration theory needs to examine how its core frameworks operate beyond traditional bureaucracies. This study extends representative bureaucracy theory to private philanthropy, an increasingly crucial actor in local public service delivery, by testing whether racial representation in leadership corresponds with equitable grantmaking outcomes. Analyzing longitudinal data from 912 U.S. community foundations between 2012 and 2016, this study finds that racial representation in foundation leadership corresponds with increased grantmaking to organizations serving communities of color when leadership retains sufficient discretion, but that this relationship weakens as donor control rises, particularly through donor advised funds. These patterns are consistent with representative bureaucracy theory's emphasis on discretion as a key mechanism linking passive and active representation. These findings advance theoretical understanding by illuminating the interplay between representation and discretion within private philanthropy, while carrying implications for equitable resource distribution as public services increasingly involve non-governmental actors.

当地理稀释问责制:地方政府的自由裁量权与财政扩张

Edmund Poku Adu, Robert L. Bland

英文原题

When Geography Dilutes Accountability: Managerial Discretion and Fiscal Expansion in Local Government

民主问责制假定,承担政府决策成本的公民能够制裁作出这些决策的官员。我们识别出这一假定中的一个结构性断裂。当城市通过部分由非居民(无法在地方选举中投票的高速公路旅行者、通勤者及区域购物者)承担的税收来为其自身提供资金时,承担成本与施加制裁之间的选举联系便会削弱。通过分析得克萨斯州二十年的市政数据(2000-2019 年),并采用双向固定效应和广义合成控制方法,…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
民主问责制假定,承担政府决策成本的公民能够制裁作出这些决策的官员。我们识别出这一假定中的一个结构性断裂。当城市通过部分由非居民(无法在地方选举中投票的高速公路旅行者、通勤者及区域购物者)承担的税收来为其自身提供资金时,承担成本与施加制裁之间的选举联系便会削弱。通过分析得克萨斯州二十年的市政数据(2000-2019 年),并采用双向固定效应和广义合成控制方法,我们发现,在采用专项地方销售税后,那些更有能力将成本转嫁给非选民的城市,其居民财政负担增加更多。这一模式在位于或靠近大都市区和高速公路的城市中最为显著,而地理位置孤立、居民几乎承担所有成本的城市则变化甚微。这逆转了经典税收输出理论所预测的缓解效应,并揭示了一个为自由裁量性财政扩张提供资金的问责缺口。该缺口被证明是暂时的:不同情境下的财政结果在六至十三年内趋于收敛。我们得出结论,地理对民主问责制的影响与选举规则同样强大。
查看原文摘要
Democratic accountability assumes that the citizens who bear the costs of government decisions can sanction the officials who make them. We identify a structural break in this assumption. When a city funds itself through taxes that fall partly on nonresidents (highway travelers, commuters, and regional shoppers who cannot vote in local elections) the electoral link between bearing costs and imposing sanctions weakens. Analyzing two decades of Texas municipal data (2000–2019) with two-way fixed effects and generalized synthetic control methods, we find that cities better positioned to shift costs onto nonvoters raise resident fiscal exposure more, after they adopt dedicated local sales taxes. This pattern is strongest for cities on or near major metropolitan areas and highways, whereas geographically isolated cities, where residents bear nearly all costs, show little change. It reverses the relief that classical tax-exportation theory predicts and reveals an accountability gap that funds discretionary fiscal expansion. The gap proves temporary: fiscal outcomes across contexts converge within six to thirteen years. Geography, we conclude, shapes democratic accountability as powerfully as electoral rules.
J. of European Public Policy 期刊封面

J. of European Public Policy

海上重建方舟:2008 年以来的危机政治与欧盟政体形成

Kate Alexander-Shaw, Marcello Natili, Ioana-Elena Oana, Waltraud Schelkle, Zbigniew Truchlewski

英文原题

Rebuilding the ship at sea: crisis politics and EU polity formation since 2008

自 2008 年以来,欧盟持续处于危机之中。大量学术研究描绘了危机时期的轮廓,往往强调欧盟的制度弱点及其倾向于次优或不完整的解决方案。然而,欧盟也展现出了韧性,调动政策与政治资源,“在海上重建船只”。要理解 2008 年后时期对欧盟的累积性影响,我们必须将其视为一个复合政体,将脆弱性与韧性的分析整合为一个连贯的叙述。欧盟政体的特征在于灵活的边界划定、分散的约…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
自 2008 年以来,欧盟持续处于危机之中。大量学术研究描绘了危机时期的轮廓,往往强调欧盟的制度弱点及其倾向于次优或不完整的解决方案。然而,欧盟也展现出了韧性,调动政策与政治资源,“在海上重建船只”。要理解 2008 年后时期对欧盟的累积性影响,我们必须将其视为一个复合政体,将脆弱性与韧性的分析整合为一个连贯的叙述。欧盟政体的特征在于灵活的边界划定、分散的约束性权威以及二阶的联结纽带,这些特征可以解释其面对危机时的脆弱性。然而,同样的三个特征也可能成为适应性与持久力的源泉。本文集提供的证据表明,欧洲的政体韧性是一种既定的趋势,而非仅仅是侥幸逃脱的一系列事件。危机政治仍高度具有偶然性,我们不能假设欧盟总能以迈向另一种理想类型政体的进步意义而“在危机中锻造”。相反,欧盟的韧性源于其在危机中磨砺其表面弱点并将其转化为集体政体维护的政治优势的能力。
查看原文摘要
The European Union has been in crisis on an ongoing basis since 2008. A wealth of scholarship has charted the contours of the crisis period, often emphasising the EU’s institutional weaknesses and tendency towards sub-optimal or incomplete solutions. Yet the EU has also proven capable of resilience, marshalling both policy and political resources to ‘rebuild the ship at sea’. To understand the cumulative consequences of the post-2008 period for the EU we must understand it as a compound polity, bringing together analyses of both fragility and resilience into a coherent account. The EU polity is characterised by flexible bounding, dispersed binding authority, and second-order bonding, features that can explain its vulnerability to crisis. Yet the same three features can also become sources of adaptability and staying power. This collection presents evidence that Europe’s polity resilience is an established tendency, not just a series of lucky escapes. Crisis politics remains highly contingent, and we cannot assume the EU will always be ‘forged in crisis’ in the sense of progress towards becoming another kind of ideal-type polity. Rather, EU resilience stems from its ability, in a crisis, to hone its apparent weaknesses and turn them into political strengths of collective polity maintenance.

民粹主义传染:右翼民粹主义言论主流化如何削弱公众对国际援助的支持

Giada Pasquettaz, Max Heermann, Dirk Leuffen

英文原题

The populist contagion: how the mainstreaming of right-wing populist rhetoric reduces public support for international aid

本文考察了民粹主义言论从民粹主义政党向主流政党扩散是否会降低公众对国际组织(IOs)及多边援助的支持。我们认为,当主流政党采纳民粹主义反国际组织言论时,援助支持度不仅会在持有民粹主义态度并支持民粹主义政党的公民中下降,也会在较为温和的选民中下降。为检验这一提示效应论点,我们于 2026 年初在法国、德国、波兰、西班牙和瑞典开展了一项调查实验(样本量 n = …

阅读完整摘要 ↗
本文考察了民粹主义言论从民粹主义政党向主流政党扩散是否会降低公众对国际组织(IOs)及多边援助的支持。我们认为,当主流政党采纳民粹主义反国际组织言论时,援助支持度不仅会在持有民粹主义态度并支持民粹主义政党的公民中下降,也会在较为温和的选民中下降。为检验这一提示效应论点,我们于 2026 年初在法国、德国、波兰、西班牙和瑞典开展了一项调查实验(样本量 n = 10,513)。通过同时变化信息内容与信息传递者,实验首先揭示,民粹主义反国际组织提示确实降低了对多边援助的支持。其次,信息传递者具有重要影响——尽管来自民粹主义政党的民粹主义提示主要影响意识形态相近的公民,但主流政党所表达的民粹主义言论则会在整个政治光谱上降低支持度。第三,反国际组织言论专门削弱多边形式的援助,而对双边援助的支持则保持不变。总之,本研究证明了主流政党对民粹主义言论的正常化如何危及公众对跨境风险与危机多边应对的支持。此外,我们的研究结果强调,对国际组织及多边援助的民粹主义质疑在概念上区别于对全球贫困人口应得性的认知。
查看原文摘要
This article examines whether the diffusion of populist rhetoric from populist to mainstream parties reduces public support for international organisations (IOs) and multilateral aid. We argue that when mainstream parties adopt populist anti-IO rhetoric, support for aid decreases not just amongst citizens, which hold populist attitudes and support populist parties, but also among more moderate voters. To test this cueing argument, we ran a survey experiment in France, Germany, Poland, Spain, and Sweden (n = 10,513) in early 2026. Varying both the message and the messenger, the experiment reveals, first, that populist anti-IO cues, indeed, reduce support for multilateral aid. Second, the messenger matters – while populist cues from populist parties primarily affect ideologically like-minded citizens, populist rhetoric voiced by mainstream parties reduces support across the political spectrum. Third, anti-IO rhetoric specifically undermines multilateral forms of aid while leaving support for bilateral aid unchanged. In sum, our study demonstrates how the normalisation of populist rhetoric by mainstream parties jeopardises public support for multilateral responses to transboundary risks and crises. Moreover, our findings underline that the populist contestation of IOs and multilateral aid is conceptually distinct from deservingness perceptions of the global poor.

欧盟边界治理中的能力建设:从规则到资源?

Alessia Invernizzi, Frank Schimmelfennig

英文原题

Capacity building in EU boundary governance: from rules to resources?

欧盟(EU)传统上被描述为一个监管型国家——在制定具有约束力的规则方面拥有强大的立法和司法权威,但在行政权力和资源方面则相对薄弱。然而,近期的发展表明,其正逐步转向一个将规则制定与能力建设相结合的政治实体。我们通过一个强调功能压力的框架,考察了欧盟在边界治理方面的资源配置。利用自 20 世纪 80 年代以来涵盖内部和外部边界的数据集,我们采用分数逻辑回归来检…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
欧盟(EU)传统上被描述为一个监管型国家——在制定具有约束力的规则方面拥有强大的立法和司法权威,但在行政权力和资源方面则相对薄弱。然而,近期的发展表明,其正逐步转向一个将规则制定与能力建设相结合的政治实体。我们通过一个强调功能压力的框架,考察了欧盟在边界治理方面的资源配置。利用自 20 世纪 80 年代以来涵盖内部和外部边界的数据集,我们采用分数逻辑回归来检验我们的假设。尽管成员国在边界治理资源汇集方面总体上仍持谨慎态度,但我们发现,当边界展现出更高的欧盟立法和行政权威时,以及面对危机时,资源更有可能被集中化。此外,在欧盟外部边界,当边界更加封闭并规范人员流动时,通过资源集中进行的能力建设程度更高。
查看原文摘要
The European Union (EU) has traditionally been described as a regulatory state – strong in legislative and judicial authority for making binding rules but weak on executive powers and resources. Recent developments, however, suggest a gradual shift toward a polity that combines rule-making with capacity building. We examine the EU’s resource equipment for boundary governance through a framework emphasizing functional pressures. Using a dataset covering internal and external boundaries since the 1980s, we employ fractional logit regression to test our hypotheses. While member states remain generally cautious about pooling resources for boundary governance, we show that resources are more likely to be centralised when boundaries exhibit higher EU legislative and executive authority, and in response to crises. Moreover, at the external boundaries of the EU, capacity building through resource centralization is higher when boundaries are more closed and regulate human mobility.

逆境之窗:危机如何在法团主义民主国家中固化碳锁定效应

Tatjana Stankovic, Guri Bang, Jon Hovi, Vegard Tørstad

英文原题

Windows of adversity: how crises entrench carbon lock-in in corporatist democracies

经济危机会为绿色转型打开机会之窗吗?近期文献中的一个显著流派认为确实如此。我们则表明,在法团主义民主国家中,相反的情况可能发生:危机固化了化石燃料依赖,并加深了碳锁定效应。通过扩展米尔登伯格的“双重代表”理论,我们主张,政治紧迫性和严峻的经济威胁巩固了碳密集型利益集团的力量,因为政府依赖这些集团获取信息、合法性和快速执行能力。当关键政治行动者处于弱势时——如…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
经济危机会为绿色转型打开机会之窗吗?近期文献中的一个显著流派认为确实如此。我们则表明,在法团主义民主国家中,相反的情况可能发生:危机固化了化石燃料依赖,并加深了碳锁定效应。通过扩展米尔登伯格的“双重代表”理论,我们主张,政治紧迫性和严峻的经济威胁巩固了碳密集型利益集团的力量,因为政府依赖这些集团获取信息、合法性和快速执行能力。当关键政治行动者处于弱势时——如少数派政府,或选举中受挫的左翼政党依赖与化石燃料产业关联的工会——这一动态会加剧。在这些条件下,通常约束雄心勃勃的气候政策的制度渠道从否决转向攫取:碳密集型行动者不再仅仅阻挠改革,而是以异常慷慨且条件宽松的条款捕获国家资源。我们利用挪威应对新冠疫情的措施来检验这一论点,基于对关键利益相关者的访谈。案例追踪了最初温和的政府石油产业支持提案如何被扩展为一项异常慷慨的税收方案。我们的发现挑战了危机作为绿色转型“机会之窗”的假设,转而表明法团主义制度如何产生“逆境之窗”——这对法团主义民主国家中的气候政治和危机决策具有启示意义。
查看原文摘要
Do economic crises open windows of opportunity for green transformation? A prominent strand of recent literature argues they can. We show that, in corporatist democracies, the opposite can occur: Crises entrench fossil fuel dependence and deepen carbon lock-in. Extending Mildenberger’s theory of double representation, we argue that political urgency and acute economic threats consolidate the power of carbon-intensive interests, as governments rely on them for information, legitimacy, and rapid implementation. This dynamic intensifies when key political actors are weak – under minority governments, or when left parties, electorally weakened, lean on unions tied to fossil fuel industries. Under these conditions, the institutional channels that normally constrain ambitious climate policy shift from veto to appropriation: Carbon-intensive actors no longer simply block reform but capture state resources on exceptionally generous and weakly conditional terms. We probe this argument using Norway’s COVID-19 response, drawing on interviews with key stakeholders. The case traces how an initially moderate government proposal for oil-industry support was expanded into an exceptionally generous tax package. Our findings challenge the assumption of crises as ‘windows of opportunity’ for green transformation, showing instead how corporatist institutions can produce ‘windows of adversity’ – with implications for climate politics and crisis policymaking across corporatist democracies.
Public Administration 期刊封面

Public Administration

150 年历史的混合组织:瑞典市属公司的历史视角

Anna Thomasson, Olof Hallonsten

英文原题

The 150‐Year‐Old Hybrid Organization: A Historical View on Municipally Owned Corporations ( MOC ) in Sweden

本文对瑞典市属企业(MOCs)150 年的发展进行了纵向分析,追溯了其 19 世纪中叶的兴起、福利国家扩张时期的扩展,以及市场化公共部门改革时代的转型。尽管市属企业通常与新公共管理(NPM)及当代混合治理形式相关联,但这一视角忽视了其更为悠久的历史轨迹。基于瑞典三次重大政府调查(1924 年、1965 年和 1982 年),并辅以二手历史资料,我们考察了市属…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
本文对瑞典市属企业(MOCs)150 年的发展进行了纵向分析,追溯了其 19 世纪中叶的兴起、福利国家扩张时期的扩展,以及市场化公共部门改革时代的转型。尽管市属企业通常与新公共管理(NPM)及当代混合治理形式相关联,但这一视角忽视了其更为悠久的历史轨迹。基于瑞典三次重大政府调查(1924 年、1965 年和 1982 年),并辅以二手历史资料,我们考察了市属企业在政治、经济和行政环境变迁中的演变过程。本文将市属企业概念化为宪法性混合体,即通过设计将公共权力与企业治理要素相结合的组织,并运用制度理论与历史制度主义的洞见分析其长期发展。研究发现揭示了三个历史阶段,其特征表现为功能、治理逻辑和制度期望的变化。在这些时期,市属企业不断被重新诠释并适应新环境,同时保持了其基本的组织形式。本研究通过证明混合性不应仅被理解为公共部门改革的当代结果,而应被视为一种历史演进的制度条件,为混合性文献做出了贡献。我们认为,市属企业的持续存在反映了混合组织形式的适应能力,其灵活性使其能够满足对效率、合法性、问责制和公共价值不断变化的需求。通过将混合性历史化,本文为制度韧性及公共治理的长期演变提供了新的视角。
查看原文摘要
This article presents a 150‐year longitudinal analysis of the development of municipally owned corporations (MOCs) in Sweden, tracing their emergence in the mid‐nineteenth century, their expansion during the growth of the welfare state, and their transformation in the era of market‐oriented public sector reform. While MOCs are commonly discussed in relation to New Public Management (NPM) and contemporary forms of hybrid governance, this perspective overlooks their much longer historical trajectory. Drawing on three major Swedish government inquiries (1924, 1965, and 1982), complemented by secondary historical sources, we examine how MOCs have evolved across changing political, economic, and administrative contexts. The article conceptualizes MOCs as constitutional hybrids, organizations that combine elements of public authority and corporate governance by design, and employs insights from institutional theory and historical institutionalism to analyze their long‐term development. The findings identify three historical phases characterized by changing functions, governance rationales, and institutional expectations. Across these periods, MOCs were repeatedly reinterpreted and adapted to new circumstances while maintaining their basic organizational form. The study contributes to the literature on hybridity by demonstrating that hybridity should be understood not merely as a contemporary consequence of public sector reform, but as a historically evolving institutional condition. We argue that the enduring presence of MOCs reflects the adaptive capacity of hybrid organizational forms, whose flexibility allows them to accommodate shifting demands for efficiency, legitimacy, accountability, and public value. By historicizing hybridity, the article offers a new perspective on institutional resilience, and the long‐term evolution of public governance.

《“你的金钱、你的生命,还是你的自由?公共卫生危机期间权衡取舍的离散选择实验”的重复研究》

Binzizi Dong, Chung‐An Chen, Soojin Kim, Chih‐Wei Hsieh

英文原题

A Replication of “Your Money, Your Life, or Your Freedom? A Discrete Choice Experiment on Trade‐Offs During a Public Health Crisis”

一项先前在意大利进行的实验考察了在政府强制封锁期间,个体如何在金钱、生命与自由之间进行权衡取舍。本研究在三个儒家社会——上海(中国)、新加坡和台北(台湾)——复制了该实验。研究结果显示,在总体样本中,“金钱 > 生命 > 自由”的偏好模式与原始研究报告的结果一致。然而,当分别分析时,台北居民对收入和自由的偏好强于新加坡和上海居民。相反,新加坡人对生命损失表现…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
一项先前在意大利进行的实验考察了在政府强制封锁期间,个体如何在金钱、生命与自由之间进行权衡取舍。本研究在三个儒家社会——上海(中国)、新加坡和台北(台湾)——复制了该实验。研究结果显示,在总体样本中,“金钱 > 生命 > 自由”的偏好模式与原始研究报告的结果一致。然而,当分别分析时,台北居民对收入和自由的偏好强于新加坡和上海居民。相反,新加坡人对生命损失表现出更高的关注。除了复制先前的研究发现外,本研究还通过强调公共管理者在制定危机管理实践时考虑情境细微差别的重要性,为比较公共行政领域做出了贡献。
查看原文摘要
A prior experiment conducted in Italy examined how individuals navigate trade‐offs among money, life, and freedom during government‐mandated lockdowns. This study replicates that experiment across three Confucian societies: Shanghai (China), Singapore, and Taipei (Taiwan). The findings indicate that, in the aggregate sample, the preference pattern of “money > life > freedom” mirrors that reported in the original study. However, when analyzed separately, residents of Taipei show stronger preferences for income and freedom than their counterparts in Singapore and Shanghai. Conversely, Singaporeans demonstrate heightened concern regarding the loss of life. In addition to replicating previous findings, this study contributes to the field of comparative public administration by highlighting the importance of considering contextual nuances in the formulation of crisis‐management practices by public managers.

《复制研究:“内容并非唯一关键——规则传达方式对行政负担的影响”》

Qi Bian, Luning Xin, Ben Ma

英文原题

A Replication of “It is Not Merely About the Content: How Rules Are Communicated Matters to Administrative Burden”

本研究在复制先前研究以考察规则沟通形式如何塑造行政负担的基础上,进一步拓展了研究范围,探讨人工智能(AI)服务如何调节这一关系。AI 服务被理解为执行两种不同功能:标签功能,即聊天机器人直接根据用户查询从数据库中输出政策规则,无需进一步处理;以及优化功能,即聊天机器人收集、分析并提炼规则信息,向用户呈现简化、优先排序的关键要点。在研究 1 中,原始研究在中国…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
本研究在复制先前研究以考察规则沟通形式如何塑造行政负担的基础上,进一步拓展了研究范围,探讨人工智能(AI)服务如何调节这一关系。AI 服务被理解为执行两种不同功能:标签功能,即聊天机器人直接根据用户查询从数据库中输出政策规则,无需进一步处理;以及优化功能,即聊天机器人收集、分析并提炼规则信息,向用户呈现简化、优先排序的关键要点。在研究 1 中,原始研究在中国自然灾害救助申请情境下进行了复制。研究结果表明,官僚式语言提高了学习成本和合规成本,并增加了压力和自主权丧失感,而复杂的信息结构也增加了学习成本、合规成本和自主权丧失感。这些结果证实,规则沟通在政策、国家和语言层面均塑造了行政负担。然而,与原始研究相比,出现了差异,原始研究中官僚式语言引发了污名化,而信息复杂性对合规成本或自主权丧失无影响,这可能归因于情境因素,如中文表意文字的复杂性。在此基础上,研究 2 的扩展实验表明,AI 服务降低了行政负担。值得注意的是,与预期相反,标签功能减少了学习成本、合规成本和心理成本,而优化功能在所有维度上实现了更大的降低。总体而言,这些发现为利用 AI 改善规则沟通并减轻行政负担提供了实证支持。
查看原文摘要
This study replicates prior research to examine how rule communication forms shape administrative burden, while also extending their research by investigating how artificial intelligence (AI) services moderate this relationship. AI services are understood to perform two distinct functions: the labeling function, where chatbots output policy rules directly from databases in response to user queries without further processing, and the optimization function, where chatbots collect, analyze, and distill rule information to present users with simplified, prioritized key points. In Study 1, the original research is replicated in the context of natural disaster relief applications in China. The findings demonstrate that bureaucratic language raises learning and compliance costs, stress, and autonomy loss, while complex information structures also increase learning costs, compliance costs, and autonomy loss. These results confirm that rule communication shapes administrative burden across policies, countries, and languages. However, differences emerge compared to the original study, in which bureaucratic language induced stigma and information complexity had no effect on compliance or autonomy loss, potentially due to contextual factors such as the complexity of Chinese logographic writing. Building on this, the extension experiment in Study 2 demonstrates that AI services reduce administrative burden. Notably, and contrary to expectations, the labeling function reduces learning, compliance, and psychological costs, while the optimization function achieves even greater reductions across all dimensions. Collectively, these findings provide empirical evidence supporting the use of AI to improve rule communication and ease administrative burden.

监管俘获、公众信任与亲环境行为

Songsong Chen, Jianhua Xu

英文原题

Regulatory Capture, Public Trust and Pro‐Environmental Behaviors

监管俘获,即特殊利益集团使监管偏离公共利益的现象,虽被广泛讨论,但其更广泛的公共后果仍未得到充分探索。我们利用中国在线调查数据,探讨了感知到的监管俘获、公众信任与亲环境行为之间的关系。研究发现,感知到的物质俘获与信息俘获(后者通过单一基于情景的代理指标衡量)与公众对地方政府(b = −0.154,−0.105)和中央政府(b = −0.087,−0.064)…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
监管俘获,即特殊利益集团使监管偏离公共利益的现象,虽被广泛讨论,但其更广泛的公共后果仍未得到充分探索。我们利用中国在线调查数据,探讨了感知到的监管俘获、公众信任与亲环境行为之间的关系。研究发现,感知到的物质俘获与信息俘获(后者通过单一基于情景的代理指标衡量)与公众对地方政府(b = −0.154,−0.105)和中央政府(b = −0.087,−0.064)的信任均呈显著负相关。在公共领域中,与非行动主义亲环境行为的直接关联始终为负,并得到跨规格自助法置信区间的支持(物质:β = −0.066 至−0.082;信息:β = −0.036 至−0.047),而若干对应的私人领域关联则不显著。间接关联仅在特定模型中成立。这些发现凸显了监管俘获的公共影响,区分了物质俘获与信息俘获,并拓展了对公众信任与亲环境行为的理解。
查看原文摘要
Regulatory capture, where special interests steer regulation away from public interest, is widely discussed, but its broader public consequences remain underexplored. We explore the relationship between perceived regulatory capture, public trust and pro‐environmental behaviors using online survey data in China. Findings show that perceived material and information capture (the latter measured with a single scenario‐based proxy) have significant negative associations with public trust in local ( b = −0.154, −0.105) and central government ( b = −0.087, −0.064). Direct associations with non‐activist pro‐environmental behaviors in the public sphere are consistently negative and supported by bootstrapped confidence intervals across specifications (material: β = −0.066 to −0.082; information: β = −0.036 to −0.047), whereas several corresponding private sphere associations are not. Indirect associations are supported only in selected models. These findings highlight the public implications of regulatory capture, distinguishing material and information capture, and extend understanding of public trust and pro‐environmental behaviors.

合适的钥匙开合适的锁:政府回应方式与需求类型如何影响公民满意度

Na Tang, Wenjia Huang, Nana Huang, Mengyao Zhang

英文原题

The Right Key for the Right Lock: How Government Response Methods and Demand Types Affect Citizen Satisfaction

面对公民多样化且复杂的需求,政府一直在寻求提升其回应能力的方法。比喻而言,公民的需求可视为锁,而政府需要钥匙来开启它们。人工智能(AI)作为一种创新性的新钥匙,为开启通往高公民满意度之门提供了全新范式。本研究基于政府回应理论,采用 2×3 被试间调查实验,探讨政府回应方式(传统回应、AI 赋能回应)与公民需求类型(咨询、投诉/求助、建议)对公民满意度的影响。…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
面对公民多样化且复杂的需求,政府一直在寻求提升其回应能力的方法。比喻而言,公民的需求可视为锁,而政府需要钥匙来开启它们。人工智能(AI)作为一种创新性的新钥匙,为开启通往高公民满意度之门提供了全新范式。本研究基于政府回应理论,采用 2×3 被试间调查实验,探讨政府回应方式(传统回应、AI 赋能回应)与公民需求类型(咨询、投诉/求助、建议)对公民满意度的影响。研究发现,相较于传统方式,AI 赋能的政府回应显著提升了公民满意度。在需求类型中,咨询类需求带来的满意度最高,而建议类需求导致的满意度最低。此外,回应方式与需求类型之间的交互效应显著影响满意度水平。感知公平在政府回应与公民满意度之间起中介作用,而公民参与经历则具有调节效应。本研究从政府回应的视角为提升公民满意度提供了新见解,揭示了 AI 赋能政府回应的内容依赖性特征,有助于政府制定独特的 AI 回应策略,并增强与公民的数字互动。
查看原文摘要
Faced with diverse and complex demands from citizens, the government has consistently sought ways to enhance its ability to respond. Metaphorically, citizens' needs can be viewed as locks, and the government requires keys to unlock them. Artificial intelligence (AI) is an innovative new key offering a fresh paradigm for unlocking the door to high citizen satisfaction. Drawing on government responsiveness theory, this study applies a 2 × 3 between‐subjects survey experiment to explore the impact of government response methods (traditional responses, AI‐enabled responses) and citizen demand types (consultation, complaint/help‐seeking, suggestions) on citizen satisfaction. Findings show that AI‐enabled government responses significantly increase citizen satisfaction compared to traditional approaches. Among demand types, consultation yields the highest satisfaction, while suggestion results in the lowest. Further, the satisfaction level is significantly influenced by the interaction effect between response method and demand type. Perceived fairness mediates the relationship between government responses and citizen satisfaction, with citizen participation experience having a moderating effect. This study offers new insights into increasing citizen satisfaction from the perspective of government responses. It reveals the content‐dependent nature of AI‐enabled government responses, helping the government create unique AI response strategies and enhance digital interaction with citizens.
Public Performance & Mgmt Review 期刊封面

Public Performance & Mgmt Review

评估乡村发展项目中村民对性别刻板印象领导者的偏好:以斯里兰卡农村为例

Hulugalla Niranjala, Mai Seki, Kyohei Yamada, Makoto Kakinaka

英文原题

Assessing Villagers’ Preferences of Gender-Stereotypic Leaders in Village Development Programs: The Case of Rural Sri Lanka

本研究通过区分基于类别的评价(基于候选人性别的偏好)与基于属性的评价(基于与性别相关的领导特质的偏好),探讨村民在社区项目中如何评估领导候选人。尽管近期研究表明,通常与女性气质相关的领导品质日益受到积极评价,但在许多农村社区,女性在领导角色中的代表性仍然不足。这一差异引发了一个问题:在领导者选拔中,性别本身还是与性别相关的领导特质发挥更重要的作用。为探究此问…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
本研究通过区分基于类别的评价(基于候选人性别的偏好)与基于属性的评价(基于与性别相关的领导特质的偏好),探讨村民在社区项目中如何评估领导候选人。尽管近期研究表明,通常与女性气质相关的领导品质日益受到积极评价,但在许多农村社区,女性在领导角色中的代表性仍然不足。这一差异引发了一个问题:在领导者选拔中,性别本身还是与性别相关的领导特质发挥更重要的作用。为探究此问题,我们在斯里兰卡农村对 1,147 名村民进行了一项基于选择的联合实验,受访者评估了乡村发展项目主席职位的假设候选人。候选人档案在五个维度上随机变化:性别、领导特质(能动性或社群性)、领导风格(专制或民主)、政策优先领域(财政、基础设施、教育或医疗)以及性别意识形态(保守或自由)。结果显示村民领导评价中存在一个重要模式。尽管受访者偏好具有民主领导风格和自由性别意识形态的候选人,但他们始终更倾向于男性候选人而非女性候选人。相比之下,领导特质和政策优先领域对候选人选择无显著影响。这些发现表明,即使与女性气质相关的领导属性受到重视,基于类别的性别偏见依然存在。
查看原文摘要
This study examines how villagers evaluate leadership candidates in community-based programs by distinguishing between category-based evaluation (preferences based on a candidate’s gender) and attribute-based evaluation (preferences based on gender-associated leadership characteristics). Although recent studies suggest that leadership qualities commonly associated with femininity are increasingly viewed positively, women remain underrepresented in leadership roles in many rural communities. This discrepancy raises the question of whether gender itself or gender-associated leadership characteristics play a stronger role in leader selection. To investigate this issue, we conducted a choice-based conjoint experiment with 1,147 villagers in rural Sri Lanka, in which respondents evaluated hypothetical candidates for the chairperson position of Village Development Programs. Candidate profiles randomly varied across five dimensions: gender, leadership trait (agentic or communal), leadership style (autocratic or democratic), policy priority area (finance, infrastructure, education, or healthcare), and gender ideology (conservative or liberal). The results reveal an important pattern in villagers’ leadership evaluations. Although respondents prefer candidates with democratic leadership styles and liberal gender ideologies, they consistently favor male candidates over female candidates. In contrast, leadership traits and policy priorities do not significantly influence candidate choice. These findings indicate that category-based gender bias persists even when leadership attributes associated with femininity are valued.

可持续性反馈控制:受限地方政府中的综合规划、能力与绩效管理

Aaron Deslatte, Yunchen Zhu

英文原题

Feedback Control for Sustainability: Integrated Planning, Capabilities and Performance Management in Constrained Local Governments

全球各地的地方政府正日益遭受洪水、干旱和野火等极端气候事件的影响。这促使公共管理者更加积极地评估和应对支撑公共物品或服务的可持续性基础设施。本研究探讨了地方政府如何整合可持续性相关的规划、能力和绩效信息使用,以此作为监管反馈控制的手段。我们的主要研究目标是更深入地理解在人类世背景下,资源受限的小型政府如何以及为何增强其处理的反馈类型。基于美国印第安纳州各市镇…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
全球各地的地方政府正日益遭受洪水、干旱和野火等极端气候事件的影响。这促使公共管理者更加积极地评估和应对支撑公共物品或服务的可持续性基础设施。本研究探讨了地方政府如何整合可持续性相关的规划、能力和绩效信息使用,以此作为监管反馈控制的手段。我们的主要研究目标是更深入地理解在人类世背景下,资源受限的小型政府如何以及为何增强其处理的反馈类型。基于美国印第安纳州各市镇的文本、环境及调查数据独特数据集,我们发现,在综合土地利用和资本规划中更广泛的探索性信息收集,以及在可持续性努力上更大的财政投资,与可持续性相关绩效信息的使用呈正相关。然而,我们未发现以可持续性为重点的经济发展规划、专门的行政能力与绩效使用之间存在关联,这反映出在适应模糊威胁时,调整现有流程和能力所面临的资源限制和挑战。
查看原文摘要
Local governments worldwide are increasingly experiencing the impacts of extreme climate events such as flooding, drought and wildfires. This has created a growing impetus on the part of public administrators to better assess and address the sustainability of the infrastructures which support public goods or services. This study investigates efforts to integrate local government sustainability-related planning, capabilities and performance information use as a means of regulatory feedback control. Our primary research objective is to better understand how and why constrained, smaller governments enhance the types of feedback they process in the Anthropocene. Drawing from a unique dataset of text, environmental and survey data from municipalities in the U.S. state of Indiana, we find greater exploratory information-gathering in comprehensive land-use and capital planning, and greater financial investment in sustainability efforts, are positively associated with sustainability-related performance information use. We find no linkage between sustainability-focused economic development planning, dedicated administrative capacity and performance use, indicative of the resource-constraints and challenges in adapting existing processes and capacities for ambiguous threats.

数据科学整合的实践:情报机构的微观动态

Tess Horlings, Sebastiaan Rietjens, Roy Lindelauf, V.S. Subrahmanian

英文原题

Data Science Integration as Practice: Micro-Level Dynamics from Intelligence Agencies

公共组织面临着将数据科学和人工智能融入其工作的日益增长的压力,然而关于这种融合在实践中如何展开的实证洞察仍然有限。本文通过对荷兰和美国情报机构的多重嵌入式案例研究,考察数据科学整合过程,基于对管理、分析和数据科学岗位人员的 28 次半结构化访谈。采用实践视角的战略方法以及微观层面的能力-动机-机会(AMO)框架,本研究分析了公职人员在日常工作中如何遭遇并应对…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
公共组织面临着将数据科学和人工智能融入其工作的日益增长的压力,然而关于这种融合在实践中如何展开的实证洞察仍然有限。本文通过对荷兰和美国情报机构的多重嵌入式案例研究,考察数据科学整合过程,基于对管理、分析和数据科学岗位人员的 28 次半结构化访谈。采用实践视角的战略方法以及微观层面的能力-动机-机会(AMO)框架,本研究分析了公职人员在日常工作中如何遭遇并应对组织、技术和法律挑战。受访者将整合与领导力素养、数据文化和专业知识、实验机会、技术和采购条件以及法律和问责要求联系起来。分析识别出不同的整合模式,包括碎片化和临时性使用、融入特定工作流程以及更为常规化的使用。本文通过将整合概念化为一种基于实践的组织过程,在此过程中数据驱动工具必须在日常工作中变得有用且合理,从而为关于数字治理的公共管理研究做出贡献。同时,本文展示了 AMO 框架如何有助于解释人员接触此类工具的微观条件,并指出了对战略优先级设定、验证、跨角色协作及持续整合的启示。
查看原文摘要
Public organizations face growing pressure to integrate data science and AI into their work, yet empirical insight into how such integration unfolds in practice remains limited. This article examines data science integration through a multiple embedded case study of intelligence agencies in the Netherlands and the United States, drawing on 28 semi-structured interviews with personnel in managerial, analytic, and data science roles. Using a strategy-as-practice perspective and a micro-level Ability-Motivation-Opportunity (AMO) lens, the study analyzes how public servants encounter and respond to organizational, technical, and legal challenges in everyday work. Interviewees linked integration to leadership literacy, data culture and expertise, opportunities for experimentation, technical and acquisition conditions, and legal and accountability requirements. The analysis identifies different patterns of integration, including fragmented and ad hoc use, incorporation into specific workflows, and more routinized use. The article contributes to public management research on digital governance by conceptualizing integration as a practice-based organizational process in which data-driven tools have to become useful and justifiable within everyday work. It also shows how the AMO framework can help explain the micro-level conditions under which personnel engage with such tools and identifies implications for strategic prioritization, validation, cross-role collaboration, and sustained integration.

社区利益相关者群体如何影响地方温室气体清单?来自美国地方政府的证据

Angela Y. S. Park, Christopher V. Hawkins, Rachel M. Krause, Minsung Michael Kang

英文原题

How Do Community Stakeholder Groups Shape Local GHG Inventories? Evidence from U.S. Local Governments

社区利益相关者在塑造城市是否测量本地温室气体排放的决策中发挥着关键作用。本研究利用两个时间点收集的调查数据,考察不同类型利益相关者群体的支持程度如何影响城市管理其温室气体清单的决策。值得注意的是,我们发现,在公众和环保团体对气候倡议的支持被认为较强的城市,以及感知到企业和社区协会反对的城市,绩效测量活动水平更高。借鉴公共管理理论,我们为利益相关者在地方温室气…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
社区利益相关者在塑造城市是否测量本地温室气体排放的决策中发挥着关键作用。本研究利用两个时间点收集的调查数据,考察不同类型利益相关者群体的支持程度如何影响城市管理其温室气体清单的决策。值得注意的是,我们发现,在公众和环保团体对气候倡议的支持被认为较强的城市,以及感知到企业和社区协会反对的城市,绩效测量活动水平更高。借鉴公共管理理论,我们为利益相关者在地方温室气体排放测量工作中的影响提供了见解,并识别了推动这些实践发展的因素。
查看原文摘要
Community stakeholders play a pivotal role in shaping cities’ decisions about whether to measure local GHG emissions. Using survey data collected at two points in time, this study examines how varying levels of support from different types of stakeholder groups influence cities’ decisions to manage their GHG inventories. Notably, we find higher levels of performance measurement activity in cities where support from the public and environmental groups for climate initiatives is perceived as strong, as well as in cities that perceive opposition from business and neighborhood associations. Drawing on public management theories, we offer insights into stakeholder influence in local GHG emission measurement efforts and identify factors driving the advancement of these practices.
Administration & Society 期刊封面

Administration & Society

在官僚化与市场化时代做治疗师:心理学家对道德压力的回应

Linda Krikken Mulders, Evelien Tonkens, Margo Trappenburg

英文原题

Being a Therapist in an Age of Bureaucracy and Marketization: Psychologists’ Responses to Moral Stress

自官僚制与新公共管理政策实施以来,心理健康护理专业人员面临的工作压力和道德压力日益增加。我们采访了荷兰心理学家,运用赫希曼的“退出、呼声与忠诚”框架,探究其应对策略。鉴于其工作的孤立性,许多心理学家发展出个体化应对方式,创造性地交替使用不同策略以缓解压力。这无意中导致问题未能充分被问题化以引发变革,而专业人员自身却日益变得愤世嫉俗。我们建议进行系统改革,以保…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
自官僚制与新公共管理政策实施以来,心理健康护理专业人员面临的工作压力和道德压力日益增加。我们采访了荷兰心理学家,运用赫希曼的“退出、呼声与忠诚”框架,探究其应对策略。鉴于其工作的孤立性,许多心理学家发展出个体化应对方式,创造性地交替使用不同策略以缓解压力。这无意中导致问题未能充分被问题化以引发变革,而专业人员自身却日益变得愤世嫉俗。我们建议进行系统改革,以保护专业人员的道德投入,并支持集体策略,从而有效解决问题并实现必要的改进。
查看原文摘要
Mental health care professionals have faced increased work pressure and moral stress since the implementation of bureaucratic and NPM policies. We interviewed Dutch psychologists to investigate how they cope, using Hirschman’s Exit , Voice , and Loyalty framework. Reflecting the solitary nature of their work, many psychologists developed individual approaches, creatively alternating between strategies to relieve pressure. Inadvertently, this contributes to a situation where issues are insufficiently problematized to induce change, while professionals themselves grow more cynical. We recommend system changes to protect professionals’ moral engagement and support collective strategies to address problems effectively and achieve necessary improvements.

治理、基础设施与多维贫困政策:全球研究的比较洞见

Septiawan Ardiputra, Laila Qadrini, Mu’man Nuryana, Burhanuddin, Thamrin Pawalluri et al.

英文原题

Governance, Infrastructure, and Multidimensional Poverty Policies: Comparative Insights From Global Studies

贫困仍然是一个由社会不平等、基本服务获取受限以及环境风险驱动的持续性全球挑战。尽管在减少极端贫困方面取得了进展,但实现包容性和可持续的减贫仍需有效的治理、基础设施建设和多维度的政策干预。本研究采用混合方法综述设计,将文献计量分析与基于 PRISMA 框架的系统文献综述(SLR)相结合。文献计量分析基于从 Scopus 检索到的 1,017 条记录,考察了出版…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
贫困仍然是一个由社会不平等、基本服务获取受限以及环境风险驱动的持续性全球挑战。尽管在减少极端贫困方面取得了进展,但实现包容性和可持续的减贫仍需有效的治理、基础设施建设和多维度的政策干预。本研究采用混合方法综述设计,将文献计量分析与基于 PRISMA 框架的系统文献综述(SLR)相结合。文献计量分析基于从 Scopus 检索到的 1,017 条记录,考察了出版趋势、地理分布、主要贡献者及主题演变,而系统文献综述则综合了 2015 年至 2024 年间发表的 51 篇符合条件的同行评审文章,深入探讨治理、基础设施、政策干预和多维贫困问题。研究结果显示,学术关注度持续上升,其中中国在实证研究方面处于领先地位,而西方国家则在概念和方法论创新方面走在前列。文献计量图谱识别出与大数据驱动分析、气候与环境风险、社会包容、性别及精准扶贫相关的新兴信号,而系统文献综述表明,性别相关研究在实质性层面仍代表性不足。本研究揭示了从农村发展向跨学科、基于证据且情境敏感的方法转变的趋势,为政策制定者和研究人员在推进与可持续发展目标 1(无贫穷)相一致的策略方面提供了见解。
查看原文摘要
Poverty remains a persistent global challenge driven by social inequality, limited access to essential services, and environmental risks. Despite progress in reducing extreme poverty, inclusive and sustainable alleviation requires effective governance, infrastructure development, and multidimensional policy interventions. This study employs a mixed-methods review design that combines bibliometric analysis with a systematic literature review (SLR) using the PRISMA framework. The bibliometric analysis was conducted on 1,017 records retrieved from Scopus to examine publication trends, geographical patterns, key contributors, and thematic evolution, while the SLR synthesized 51 eligible peer-reviewed articles published between 2015 and 2024 for in-depth examination of governance, infrastructure, policy interventions, and multidimensional poverty. Findings reveal growing scholarly attention, with China leading empirical research and Western countries advancing conceptual and methodological innovations. Bibliometric mapping identifies emerging signals related to big data-driven analysis, climate and environmental risks, social inclusion, gender, and targeted poverty alleviation, and the SLR indicates that gender-related research remains substantively underrepresented. The study highlights a shift from rural development toward interdisciplinary, evidence-based, and context-sensitive approaches, offering insights for policymakers and researchers in advancing strategies aligned with Sustainable Development Goal 1 (No Poverty).

小城市中的信息自由公开:来自意大利的证据

Lorenzo Cicatiello, Giuseppe Lucio Gaeta, Sabrina Ruberto, Fabrizio Di Mascio

英文原题

FOI Publicity in Small Municipalities: Evidence From Italy

本实证研究探讨了小型市政当局中信息自由(FOI)公开的实施模式。这些市政当局因财政和人力资源有限,在执行国家政策时可能面临重大挑战。我们的分析利用了从特定意大利市政当局样本官方网站审查中收集的数据。通过采用层次聚类和回归分析技术,我们的研究结果强调了小型市政当局在 FOI 公开实施中所面临的关键挑战。

阅读完整摘要 ↗
本实证研究探讨了小型市政当局中信息自由(FOI)公开的实施模式。这些市政当局因财政和人力资源有限,在执行国家政策时可能面临重大挑战。我们的分析利用了从特定意大利市政当局样本官方网站审查中收集的数据。通过采用层次聚类和回归分析技术,我们的研究结果强调了小型市政当局在 FOI 公开实施中所面临的关键挑战。
查看原文摘要
This empirical study investigates the implementation patterns of freedom of information (FOI) publicity within small municipalities. These municipalities, characterized by limited financial and human resources, are likely to face substantial challenges in executing national policies. Our analysis leverages data collected from an examination of the official websites of a specific sample of Italian municipalities. Utilizing hierarchical cluster and regression analysis techniques, our findings underscore the critical challenges in the FOI publicity implementation among small municipalities

解析行政负担:为何一些家庭放弃 TANF 福利

Stephanie Walsh

英文原题

Disentangling Administrative Burden: Why Some Families Forgo TANF Benefits

美国各州及不同人口群体之间,安全网项目的参与情况存在差异,但各项目间的差异尤为显著。尽管补充营养援助计划(SNAP)覆盖了约 80% 的符合条件者,而贫困家庭临时援助计划(TANF)仅覆盖了约 20% 的贫困家庭。本研究分析了九位看似符合 TANF 资格却选择申请 SNAP 的受助者的半结构化访谈,旨在探讨部分家庭为何选择申请 SNAP 而非 TANF 的原…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
美国各州及不同人口群体之间,安全网项目的参与情况存在差异,但各项目间的差异尤为显著。尽管补充营养援助计划(SNAP)覆盖了约 80% 的符合条件者,而贫困家庭临时援助计划(TANF)仅覆盖了约 20% 的贫困家庭。本研究分析了九位看似符合 TANF 资格却选择申请 SNAP 的受助者的半结构化访谈,旨在探讨部分家庭为何选择申请 SNAP 而非 TANF 的原因。研究结果凸显了各项目在行政负担上的差异,以及 TANF 的合规成本对某些家庭而言超过了其带来的益处。
查看原文摘要
Variation in safety net participation in the United States exists across states and demographic groups, but it is stark among programs. Although the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) reaches around 80% of those eligible, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) reaches only around 20% of families in poverty. This study analyzes semi-structured interviews with nine SNAP recipients who appear to be eligible for TANF to explore the reasons some households choose to apply SNAP but not TANF. Findings highlight the differences in administrative burden present in each program, and the compliance costs of TANF that outweigh the benefits for some families.

制度逻辑、赋能结构与共青团服务空间生产——以 G 市“青年之家”项目为例

Shuchao Yang, Ziyi Yang

英文原题

Institutional Logics, Empowerment Structures, and the Service Space Production of the Communist Youth League—A Case Study of the “Youth Homeland” Project in City G

本研究旨在回应一个核心的理论与实践问题:在制度约束与资源稀缺的双重限制下,共青团作为群团组织如何能动地生产服务空间以履行其服务职能?为探究此问题,本文整合列斐伏尔的空间生产理论与制度逻辑视角,构建了“制度逻辑—赋权结构—组织空间生产”的分析框架。通过对 G 市“青年之家”项目的案例分析,本研究发现,共青团并非被动受制于制度环境与资源局限,而是主动利用其处于政…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
本研究旨在回应一个核心的理论与实践问题:在制度约束与资源稀缺的双重限制下,共青团作为群团组织如何能动地生产服务空间以履行其服务职能?为探究此问题,本文整合列斐伏尔的空间生产理论与制度逻辑视角,构建了“制度逻辑—赋权结构—组织空间生产”的分析框架。通过对 G 市“青年之家”项目的案例分析,本研究发现,共青团并非被动受制于制度环境与资源局限,而是主动利用其处于政治、社会与专业多重制度逻辑交汇点的“结构洞”优势,采取行政赋权、社会赋权与技术赋权相结合的策略,获取服务空间生产的关键资源。其中,行政赋权界定了服务空间的核心边界与合法性,社会赋权拓展了服务空间的边缘边界与资源网络,技术赋权则重塑了服务供给的过程与效能。研究进一步揭示,制度逻辑决定赋权结构,制度要素的整合为空间生产开启机会窗口,制度变迁则推动服务空间的转型与重构。本文的理论贡献在于将组织空间生产研究从内部物质分析拓展至外部社会场域视角,将“制度”“行动者”与“共同生产”引入组织空间研究,揭示了威权体制下群团组织如何通过策略性赋权,借助制度逻辑拓展行动空间的微观机制,为理解当代中国群团组织及同类机构的服务功能与转型提供了新的分析视角。
查看原文摘要
This study aims to address a core theoretical and practical question: Under the dual constraints of institutional limitations and resource scarcity, how does the Communist Youth League, as a mass organization, actively produce service spaces to fulfill its service functions? To explore this question, our analysis integrates Lefebvre’s theory of space production with the institutional logics perspective to construct an analytical framework of “institutional logics–empowerment structure–organizational space production.” Through a case analysis of the “Youth Homeland” project in City G, this study finds that the Communist Youth League is not passively constrained by institutional environments and resource limitations. Instead, it proactively leverages its “structural hole” advantage at the intersection of multiple institutional logics—political, social, and professional—by employing a combined strategy of administrative empowerment, social empowerment, and technological empowerment to secure critical resources for the production of service spaces. Among these, administrative empowerment defines the core boundaries and legitimacy of service spaces, social empowerment expands their peripheral boundaries and resource networks, and technological empowerment reshapes the processes and effectiveness of service delivery. The investigation further reveals that institutional logics determine the empowerment structure, the integration of institutional factors opens windows of opportunity for space production, and institutional changes drive the transformation and restructuring of service spaces. The article’s theoretical contribution lies in expanding the study of organizational space production from an internal material analysis to an external social field perspective. It introduces “institution,” “agency,” and “co-production” into organizational space research, uncovering the micro-mechanisms through which mass organizations strategically employ empowerment to expand their action spaces by leveraging institutional logics in an authoritarian context. This offers a new analytical perspective for understanding the service functions and transformation of mass organizations and similar institutions in contemporary China.
正在读取当前内容...
研读新知 · 栏目
我的阅读


摘要 · ABSTRACT